Introduction
During the last two decades, the pervasive social media use (SMU) has become almost indispensable in the daily lives of people across many countries. This prevalence is particularly pronounced among adolescents, with the majority of them regularly engaging with platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, WhatsApp and so on [
1,
2]. Many previous reviews and meta-analyses have emphasized the associations between adolescent SMU and various facets of mental health, such as depressive symptoms [
3], well-being and ill-being [
4], psychiatric disorders [
5], and so on (for an overview of reviews/meta-analyses, see [
6,
7]). However, many of the prior empirical studies employed a variable-centered approach, potentially overlooking individual differences in SMU patterns. Consequently, the application of methods that take individual differences in SMU patterns into account, such as a person-centered approach, might provide valuable insights. This approach could enable a deeper exploration into the impact of SMU on adolescents’ developments and adjustments, as well as providing a clearer understanding of the mechanisms underlying these relationships.
A substantial body of evidence has explored the relationship between general SMU and depressive symptoms (for a review or meta-analysis, see [
8,
9]). The significant association is supported by a large number of cross-sectional studies (e.g., [
10‐
12]), several rigorous longitudinal studies (e.g. [
13,
14],), and a handful of well-designed experimental studies (e.g., [
15,
16]). Specifically, in a three-wave longitudinal study by Tandoc and Goh [
14], increased Facebook use at the initial time point was associated with increased depression levels at the third time point. Hunt et al. [
16] observed that limiting daily social media use to approximately 30 min over a three-week period led to a significant reduction in depression levels in the experimental group compared to the control group. However, meta-analyses (e.g., [
17]) have also shown that the effect size in the relationship between SMU and depressive symptoms is modest, coupled with considerable heterogeneity. Therefore, the relationship between SMU and depression remains inconclusive. This highlighted the necessity to further investigate the relationship between specific types of SMU and depressive symptoms since most previous studies only focused on general SMU.
When examining the association between specific types of SMU and depression, several studies have investigated this relationship. First, in contrast to general SMU intensity or frequency, problematic SMU or social media addiction (SMA)—characterized by problematic or addictive ways of SMU—is relatively consistently linked to more depressive symptoms [
15,
18‐
20]. Second, according to the active–passive model of SMU [
21], SMU can be categorized into two specific types of use, including active SMU and passive SMU. Active SMU refers to activities on social media that facilitate information exchange (e.g., targeted private messages, non-targeted posts), while passive SMU is a type of passive consumption of the content on social media. Active SMU was associated with fewer depressive symptoms, whereas passive SMU was associated with more depressive symptoms [
10,
12,
22,
23]. Finally, SMU at certain times (e.g., at night) has been found to be particularly detrimental to sleep quality [
24‐
26] which in turn predicted more depression or a combination of depression and anxiety problems (for a review, see [
27]).
Although the relationship between the specific forms/periods of SMU and its effects is relatively clearer and robust, conflicting results can also be found in the literature. For example, although many previous studies found a relationship between active/passive SMU and well-/ill-being (e.g., [
12,
28,
29]), this relationship was not supported in many other studies (for a critical scoping review, see [
6,
7]). Focusing on only one singular type of specific SMU might still be too coarse to capture the nuanced relationships present. Therefore, in the present study, we adopted a comprehensive approach, in which we examined multiple facets of SMU simultaneously—including its intensity, problematic/addictive use, active versus passive engagement, and nighttime use—to delineate potential patterns of SMU. We then examined the associations between these identified patterns and depressive symptoms among adolescents, and also exploring the potential mediating mechanisms.
The extent of depression in adolescents with different SMU patterns may vary, and their self-concept may serve as a mediating factor in this relationship. Self-esteem—as the content aspect of self-concept—is defined as a “favorable or unfavorable attitude towards the self” [
30], while self-concept clarity—as the structural aspect of self-concept—is defined as “the extent to which self-beliefs are clearly and confidently defined, internally consistent, and stable” [
31]. In the first stage of the proposed mediating process, SMU appears to be related to adolescents’ self-esteem and self-concept clarity. Interpersonal communication and the social environment are pivotal for identity development which is a key task during adolescence [
32]. In addition to the traditional offline communication and environment, social media offer young people an additional cyberspace in which they can explore their self-concept. Through online platforms, they can easily cultivate and maintain social connections, express themselves through various means (e.g., photos, texts, and videos), receive feedback from peers and individuals with diverse backgrounds and perspectives, and potentially be influenced by content they encountered within their digital networks. This can have a detrimental effect on self-concept development and disintegrate their personality according to the self-concept fragmentation hypothesis [
33,
34]. Empirical evidence also supports the relationship between SMU and users’ self-concept. Many previous studies have shown that self-esteem and self-concept clarity are influenced by the specific types/periods of SMU, including problematic SMU or SMA [
35,
36], SMU intensity [
37,
38], active/passive SMU [
28,
29,
38,
40], and nighttime SMU [
25].
In the second stage of the proposed mediating process, adolescents’ self-esteem and self-concept clarity may further influence their depressive symptoms. According to Beck’s cognitive theory of depression [
41,
42], maladaptive self-schemata and self-cognition constitute the cognitive vulnerability to depression. Adolescents with higher levels of self-esteem and/or a clearer self-concept may have fewer depressive symptoms or a lower likelihood of developing a depressive disorder. Consistently, a large body of empirical evidence also suggests that self-esteem and self-concept clarity negatively predict or influence depression among adolescents [
43‐
49]. For example, cross-lagged regression analyses on four repeated assessments revealed that self-esteem negatively predicted later depression level in adolescence and young adulthood [
46]. A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies also found that the effect of self-esteem on depression was significantly stronger than the effect of depression on self-esteem [
47]. In addition, self-concept clarity was found negatively associated with depression among adolescents [
45] and late adolescents [
44]. Based on the theoretical and empirical evidence for the first and second stages of the mediating process, it is hypothesized that self-esteem and self-concept clarity play the mediating role in the relationship between SMU and depression.
The Person-Centered Perspective
The relationship between SMU and its effects on adolescents has been investigated in many previous studies adopting variable-centered approach. This approach assumes that each individual in the sample can be represented by an equal set of averaged parameters [
50]. However, the variable-centered approach ignores the fact that adolescents may have different patterns of social media use when considering multiple indicators of SMU, such as problematic SMU, SMU intensity, active/passive SMU, and nighttime SMU. Compared to the variable-centered approach, the person-centered approach assumes that the observed parameters or relationships are not always the same for each individual since there may exist potential subgroups with different sets of parameters in the sample [
50‐
52]. Through the person-centered approach, it becomes feasible to identify the adolescents that exhibiting similar SMU patterns. This facilitates a more holistic and comprehensive exploration of the associations between these patterns and developmental outcomes in adolescents. Although some previous studies (e.g., [
53,
54]) have utilized person-centered methods to investigate adolescent media use patterns, these studies primarily concentrated on general behaviors like smartphone use [
53] and screen-based sedentary activities [
54]. Research specifically targeting different types of specific SMU is scarce. Therefore, in the present study, the potential patterns of adolescent specific SMU behaviors, as well as how they are related to depression, were explored using one of the person-centered approaches (i.e., latent profile analysis).
The Present Study
Although the relationship between SMU and its effects on adolescents psychosocial development has been investigated in many previous studies, most of them adopted variable-centered approach focusing on one or two specific aspects of SMU. Potential subgroups with similar patterns of social media use among adolescents, as well as the heterogeneity in their relationships with depressive symptoms, have hardly been explored. To fill these gaps, the current study was conducted based on the theretical and empirical evidence mentioned aboved. The aims of the current study were: (1) to indentify the patterns of SMU among adolescents using the indicators of problematic SMU, SMU intensity, active SMU, passive SMU, and nighttime SMU; (2) to explore the relationships between the potential SMU profiles and depression; and (3) to examine the mediating roles of self-esteem and self-concept clarity.
Discussion
Based on theoretical (e.g., Beck’s cognitive theory of depression; [
41,
42]) and empirical evidence, the present study examined the association between different types of adolescents’ social media use (i.e., problematic SMU, SMU intensity, active SMU, passive SMU, and nighttime SMU) and depression, as well as the mediating role of self-esteem and self-concept clarity in these associations using the person-centered approach. To our knowledge, this study stands as a novel research endeavor to concurrently examine these five types of SMU and their effects on adolescent depression. The present study yielded several noteworthy findings, which are elaborated upon in the following discussion.
Firstly, this study revealed that various forms of SMU played an important role in adolescent depression. Specifically, problematic SMU, passive SMU, and nighttime SMU were found to be directly and positively related to adolescents’ depression. This finding is in line with previous studies (e.g., [
20,
26,
67,
68]). Problematic/addiction-like ways of SMU [
67,
68], passive ways of SMU [
12,
28], and SMU during the nighttime [
25,
26] are correlated with more psychosocial problems. These relationships remained significant even after controlling for other forms of SMU, supporting the robustness and uniqueness of the similar findings in previous studies. However, we did not find a significant association between the intensity of SMU and depression, nor between active SMU and depression. One possible interpretation for these non-significant results is that SMU intensity and active SMU may act as both protective and risk factors in the development of depression among adolescents. For SMU intensity, its higher level predicted more problematic ways of SMU one year later [
67] which is a risk factor for depression, whereas higher frequency or intensity of SMU is also related to more social interaction and social capital/support [
67,
69,
70] potentially buffering its harmful effects. For active ways of SMU (e.g., posting, messaging), it enhances the sense of connectedness and increases social capital [
71] which may reduce the likelihood of developing depression. However, the lack of positive feedback following active SMU could potentially increase depression levels, given that positive feedback is an essential prerequisite for adolescents to benefit from such engagement [
58]. The intertwined protective and risk effects appear to have conflated in the pathways from both SMU intensity and active SMU to depression, rendering them nonsignificant in this study. Subsequent research endeavors should aim to disentangle and further elucidate these complex relationships.
Secondly, in our sample of Italian adolescents, five distinct profiles of social media use were identified: (1) the
Active users profile (
n = 126, 12.8%), (2) the
Low-intensity passive users profile (
n = 97, 9.8%), (3) the
Passive users profile (
n = 251, 25.5%), (4) the
Problematic active users at night (
n = 358, 36.3%), (5) the
Highly problematic active users at night profile (
n = 154, 15.6%). A direct comparison of our findings on SMU profiles with those in previous similar studies is difficult due to differences in sample characteristics and profile indicators, however, there are some noteworthy points in our results that need to be highlighted. For example, adolescents in Profile 1 displayed an average level of SMU intensity, which was significantly higher than that observed in Profile 3, whereas they had a lower level of problematic SMU compared to the adolescents in Profile 3. This result reveals that a high intensity of SMU is not necessarily a prerequisite for a high and problematic dependence on social media. This is consistent with the perspective emphasized in previous similar studies, stating that the problematic/addictive ways of SMU and the intensity of SMU should be considered as distinct dimensions [
67]. Another noteworthy finding is the lack of a significant difference in depression levels between Profile 4 and Profile 5. Although the levels of problematic SMU and nighttime SMU which positively predicted depression were higher in Profile 5 than in Profile 4, the passive SMU level which is also a positive predictor of depression was much lower in Profile 5 than in Profile 4. This finding indicated that when investigating the impact of SMU on adolescents, it is crucial to consider multiple indicators, rather than relying on single indicator, to truly uncover the complex relationships. This approach may also contribute to addressing the issue of heterogeneity in conclusions observed in previous studies [
17].
Finally, the relative mediating roles of self-esteem and self-concept clarity were discovered. Taking the
Active users profile as the reference group, self-esteem and self-concept clarity mediated the relationships between the SMU profiles (i.e., the
Passive users profile, the
Problematic active users at night profile, and the
Highly problematic active users at night profile) and depression. This is in line with the self-concept fragmentation hypothesis [
33,
34] and Beck’s cognitive theory of depression [
41,
42]. In the first phase of the mediation process, one noteworthy result is that adolescents in the
Low-engaged passive users profile, who exhibited higher levels of passive SMU, did not have lower levels of self-esteem and self-concept clarity compared to the adolescents in the
Active users profile. This may due to the relatively low levels of problematic SMU, SMU intensity, active SMU, and nighttime SMU in the
Low-engaged passive users profile. In the second stage of the mediating process, adolescent depression was negatively predicted by both self-esteem and self-concept clarity. This finding is consistent with previous research (e.g., [
44‐
46]). Adolescents with lower self-esteem and lower self-concept clarity may exhibit higher vulnerability in adapting to negative affect and stress [
72], which ultimately leads to an increase in depressive symptoms [
41,
42].
There are several limitations in this study should be noted. First, social media platforms play a role in the relationship between SMU and depression [
13], but we only focus on general social media platforms. Future studies can further explore the use patterns of specific social media platforms and their effects. Second, due to the cross-sectional nature of the present study, no definitive conclusions can be drawn regarding the directionality and causality of the relationships between the studied variables. Future research endeavours should incorporate longitudinal and/or experimental methods to further elucidate these relationships. Third, following the extended active-passive model of SMU [
71], active SMU and passive SMU can be further decomposed. Future studies could focus on more specific aspects of active SMU and passive SMU, as well as their associated effects. Fourth, during data collection, the total number of schools approached was not recorded in this study, making it impossible to calculate the response rate at the school level. Future studies should track this information. Finally, this study included only adolescents from schools located in northern Italy, which limits the generalizability of our findings to adolescents from central or southern Italy or other countries/cultures. Nationwide or cross-cultural studies are recommended to systematically explore potential cultural differences in these aspects.
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