Childhood sexual abuse (CSA) is a serious global problem (UNICEF, 2022) with an estimated one in four girls and one in twenty boys experiencing sexual abuse during their childhood (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2024). As sexual abuse is one of the most under-reported crimes (Kruttschnitt et al., 2014), it is believed that this is an underestimate of the problem’s true prevalence. Further, CSA has serious long term negative psychological (Fergusson et al., 2013; Lahav et al., 2020; Lamoureux et al., 2012; Molnar et al., 2001), health (Alcalá et al., 2018; Fergusson et al., 2013; Irish et al., 2010), academic (Fergusson et al., 2013), interpersonal (Colman & Widom, 2004; Lamoureux et al., 2012), and socioeconomic consequences (Currie & Spatz-Widom, 2010). Therefore, efforts should focus on preventing CSA before it occurs. Prevention efforts have encouraged increased focus on parental involvement, as parents play a central role in creating protective environments for their children (Wurtele, 2009). Given the scope of the problem and parents’ roles in protecting their children from harm, we aimed to examine prevention-related behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs among a sample of parents in the United States (U.S.).
Recommended Parental CSA Prevention Strategies
Currently, the limited empirical evidence for effective CSA prevention strategies for parents calls for formal evaluation of prevention strategies (Centers for Disease Control, 2024). While further research is necessary, certain best practices are recommended based upon existing knowledge. For example, parents are encouraged to use correct anatomical names when discussing genitals with their children, as one study found that individuals convicted of sexual offenses against children reported that they were less likely to target children who knew the correct anatomical names for their body parts (Elliott et al., 1995). Further, in 2015, then President Obama signed Erin’s Law into federal law as part of the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015. Erin’s law, which has now been passed in 38 states, requires public schools to teach sexual abuse prevention to children in grades pre-K to 12 (Hawthorne, 2021; www.erinslaw.org), and provides resources for parents recommending frequent and open age-appropriate parent-child discussions related to bodily autonomy, avoidance of secret keeping, and appropriate touch (Erin’s Law, 2017). While little to no research exists examining the effectiveness of parental efforts in preventing CSA, a recent systemic review of 24 studies encompassing four decades of research found parental CSA prevention interventions were successful at improving parental knowledge and attitudes (50–56% of studies), behaviors, behavioral intentions, response-efficacy (88–100% of studies), and self-efficacy or capabilities (67–75% of studies) for prevention of CSA (Rudolph et al., 2023). However, many of the studies reviewed had methodological limitations and none assessed the ability of parental CSA interventions to prevent victimization.
Other resources encourage families to establish rules regarding touch and general safety and communicate to help children understand that if abuse occurs, they can tell a trusted adult without fear of being faulted or not believed (e.g., Jeglic & Calkins, 2018; New York State Office of Child and Family Services [NYSOCFS], 2021; Tabachnick, 2016). Various organizations (e.g., National Children’s Advocacy Center, CARES Northwest, Coalition for Children, NYSOCFS) provide recommended reading lists for both parents and children to facilitate education and communication on CSA prevention. It is also recommended that parents actively assess for signs of sexual abuse in their children (e.g., unusual sexual knowledge or behavior, genital irritation or disease; NYSOCFS, 2021) as well as in adult-child interactions (Tabachnick, 2016). In Stop It Now!’s parent guide for preventing CSA, (Tabachnick 2016) recommends that parents trust their instincts when observing adult-child interactions and be wary of adult boundary crossing, sexual references and/or jokes, secret interactions, or special treatment.
With the rise of child internet use, it is also recommended that parents engage in protective behaviors directed toward safe internet use. Parents are advised to engage in discussions with their children about internet safety, such as encouraging them not to share personal information with strangers online (U.S. Department of Justice, 2023). Further, more direct actions are also recommended, such as monitoring children’s internet enabled device use (Tabachnick, 2016; U.S. Department of Justice, 2023), using parental control and privacy settings, and reviewing apps (U.S. Department of Justice, 2023).
Research on Current Parental CSA Prevention Practices and Beliefs
Unsupported Strategies
While recommended CSA prevention strategies are based upon the best available evidence, parents may still employ other strategies based on myths and misconceptions about sexual offending, some of which may place undue burden on the child. Many CSA prevention programs use children as the main line of defense, relying on children to “say no” and tell trusted adults when something inappropriate happens (McAlinden, 2012; van Dam, 2001). Yet, the same burden of responsibility to protect themselves is not typically placed on children in other realms (e.g., education, housing, economic security, physical health), suggesting that this expectation does not align with cultural norms regarding children’s responsibilities (Finkelhor, 2009). More recently, research has suggested that the onus of CSA prevention has shifted away from children and is refocusing on adults in their lives (Rudolph & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018; Walsh & Brandon, 2012).
Historically, many CSA prevention strategies have also focused on stranger danger (e.g., in parent-child discussions, Chen, 2007; McAlinden, 2006; Walsh & Brandon, 2012) as it was believed that sexual offenses were mainly committed by individuals who are unknown to the child or their family. A recent systemic review suggests that inclusion of stranger danger rhetoric in child-direct education prevention efforts remains prominent (Guggisberg et al., 2023). Notably, teaching children to be mindful of interactions with strangers holds value for increasing general and CSA-specific safety. However, as most perpetrators of CSA are either related or known to the child, with only 7% of CSA perpetrators being strangers (Craven, 2006; Douglas & Finkelhor, 2005; Hassan et al., 2015; van Dam, 2001), prevention efforts should largely be informed by awareness of the potential for perpetration by known adults. International research indicates parental awareness regarding the realities of victim-perpetrator relationships varies widely. While research from El Salvador and the city of Jingzhou in Central China found that more than half of parents were unaware that most offenders are familiar to the child (Chen, 2007; Salloum et al., 2020), findings from Beijing in Northern China (Xie, 2016), Botswana, and Swaziland (Mathoma, 2006) suggest that more parents were aware of the potential for perpetration by known individuals. Discrepancies in this awareness may explain why the emphasis on stranger danger warnings remains common (Chen, 2007; Deblinger et al., 2010; Rudolph & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018; Rudolph, Zimmer-Gembeck, Shanley, Walsh, & Hawkins, 2018; Wurtele et al., 1992).
Another strategy that likely holds limited utility is parental monitoring of sex offender registries. Recent research suggests that sex offender registries do little to reduce reoffending and that, in fact, a large proportion of those convicted of a sex crime do not reoffend (Calkins et al., 2014; Mendelson & Letourneau, 2015; Zgoba & Mitchell, 2021). Further, 90% of offenders in prison for CSA-related offenses did not have a history of sexual offense prior to their current conviction (Mendelson & Letourneau, 2015) and 95% of new sexual offense arrests were committed by first-time sex offenders (Sandler et al., 2008). As individuals who perpetrate CSA are unlikely to be on the sex offender registry prior to their offense, overreliance on registries may provide a false sense of security.
Discussion-Based Practices and Beliefs
Educational discussions and open communication between parents and their children are consistently identified as strategies supported by parents in their CSA prevention efforts in studies conducted in the U.S., Australia, and Nigeria (Babatsikos & Miles, 2015; Ige, 2011; Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021; Walsh & Brandon, 2012; Wurtele et al., 1992). Research supports these practices, finding that parent-child discussions related to CSA can improve child knowledge in this area (Cırık et al., 2020). Findings from a parent sample in Turkey indicate that while some parents experienced anxiety following CSA-related discussions with their children, the majority (81.6%) reported a sense of relief (Cırık et al., 2020). However, not all studies have found that open communication about sexual violence between parents and children is occurring or supported by parents. Research conducted in China, Israel, and Australia has found that parents may avoid directly discussing CSA with their children due to fears that such discussions could be harmful, resulting in fear, anxiety, overeducation, or decreased innocence with knowledge of taboo subjects among their children (Chen, 2007; Gesser-Edelsburg et al., 2017; Rudolph & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018; Xie, 2016). Further, among samples in the U.S. and Australia, sexual violence is less likely to be discussed with children relative to other sensitive topics (e.g., bullying, coping with stress, abduction, substance use, death/suicide) (Edwards et al., 2022; Rudolph et al., 2022). (AlRammah and colleagues 2019) found that while parents in a Saudi Arabian sample endorsed engagement in parent-child communication that included aspects of CSA prevention (e.g., discussion of bodily safety and private parts), sexual topics were avoided by most. While the authors suggest that cultural factors (e.g., sexually conservativism and protectiveness) should be considered alongside these findings, avoidance of sexual topics appears prevalent across various cultures. Relatedly, in their systemic review, (Guggisberg and colleagues 2023) assert that parental attitudes and beliefs about CSA may lead parents to choose to include non-sexual topics in their prevention-directed discussions (e.g., not accepting gifts from anyone, dressing modestly). Finally, previous research has found that some parents who chose not to engage in discussion-based prevention practices cited their perception of their child(ren)’s low risk as a justification (Deblinger et al., 2010; Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021), suggesting that risk appraisal plays a role in engagement in prevention-focused discussion.
Social and Environmental Practices and Beliefs
In recent years, parents have also been applying the principles of situational crime prevention (SCP) to CSA prevention. According to SCP, environmental modifications such as environmental controls and increased guardianship can prevent crime, including CSA (Smallbone, 2016). One example of this can be seen among parents in Beijing who chose not to engage in discussions of CSA prevention, and instead relied on other prevention efforts such as choosing good schools, allowing their children to play only with trusted individuals, providing supervision, and setting family rules (Xie, 2016). Other parent samples identified guardianship strategies such as taking precautions in choosing romantic partners (Collins, 1996), monitoring social situations (Babatsikos & Miles, 2015; Collins, 1996; Rudolph, Zimmer-Gembeck, Shanley, & Hawkins, 2018; Rudolph et al., 2022), gauging their child’s comfort levels around others, and trusting parental instincts (Babatsikos & Miles, 2015).
Internet Safety Practices and Beliefs
Internet use has become an integral part of modern life for many individuals, including children. Ofcom’s Children and Parent’s Media Use and Attitude’s Report (2022) United Kingdom (U.K.) sample found that almost all (99%) children accessed the internet in 2021. Given the reported increase of online sexual solicitation of minors, especially since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic (Harris et al., 2021), there has also been heightened parental focus on protecting their children from online sexual abuse (Greene-Colozzi et al., 2020).
While few studies to date have examined parental behaviors related to online CSA prevention, (Rudolph and colleagues’ 2022) study suggests somewhat limited engagement in internet safety practices among parents in Australia and the U.K. In this sample, only approximately one third of parents reported using software to limit their child’s access to adult content or reported rarely allowing their child to use internet enabled devices in unsupervised environments (Rudolph et al., 2022). However, the majority of parents in this sample reported monitoring their child’s internet history, conversations, and contacts. Ofcom’s (2022) report found that the majority of U.K. parents have discussed internet safety with their child at least once. In regards to direct action, only 27% of parents reported using content filters on their child’s devices, despite the majority of parents expressing awareness of these features. Reasons for not using website blocking software cited among this sample included trusting their child’s judgement or using discussion- or rule-based strategies instead.
Current Study
Despite the widespread attention CSA prevention has had in U.S. culture, broader research on parental CSA prevention strategies in the U.S. specifically is limited. Studies assessing multiple prevention behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs of U.S. parents are over 12 years old (Deblinger et al., 2010; Wurtele et al., 1992) and more recent research has focused primarily on discussion-based strategies (e.g., Edwards et al., 2022; Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021; Walsh et al., 2012). Additionally, (Guggisberg and colleagues’ 2023) systemic review provides a substantial contribution to holistically understanding parental prevention efforts through reviewing research both in the U.S. and other countries, with findings emphasizing the use of education-based strategies, environmental safety precautions (e.g., monitoring, supervision), and practices focused on parent-child relationships. While this more recent work provides replication of previous findings and broadens understandings of strategies reported across studies, the current literature is in need of an updated understanding of the specific behaviors U.S. parents are engaging in as well as the beliefs and attitudes they hold, especially given advances in internet accessibility and use. Additionally, while aspects of international CSA prevention research may be applicable to U.S. populations, different cultural, legal, and educational standards likely impact generalizability.
The primary purpose of our study is to assess engagement in CSA prevention behaviors among a sample of U.S. parents and gain a better current understanding of their attitudes and beliefs about CSA and its prevention. Based upon cross-cultural research suggesting parent-child discussions (Babatsikos & Miles, 2015; Ige, 2011; Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021; Walsh & Brandon, 2012; Wurtele et al., 1992) and attention to stranger danger (Chen, 2007; Deblinger et al., 2010; Guggisberg et al., 2023; Rudolph & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018; Rudolph, Zimmer-Gembeck, Shanley, Walsh, & Hawkins, 2018; Wurtele et al., 1992) are commonly integrated into parental CSA prevention efforts, we hypothesized that parents would report a reliance on strategies involving parent-child discussions and sex offender registry use. Given previous research suggesting a relationship between engagement in discussion-based prevention practices and parental perceptions of their child(ren)’s risk (Deblinger et al., 2010; Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021), this relationship was also explored statistically. However, the current study was largely exploratory in nature.
Design and Method
Participants and Procedure
Following approval by the Institutional Review Board, data collection was initiated and completed over a nine-day period in April 2022. Participants were recruited using Prolific (a platform that has been found to crowdsource more diverse adult volunteers compared to similar platforms [e.g., Amazon MTurk, university Sona Systems; (Palan & Schitter, 2018)] for monetarily compensated research studies) where they were prescreened for eligibility. For inclusion in this study, participants were required to be 18 years of age or older, a resident of the U.S., fluent in either English or Spanish, and have a child currently between the ages of 1 week old to 17 years old. Those who met the criteria proceeded to Qualtrics, a survey hosting website, where they were given the choice to fill out the survey in either Spanish or English. Participants were presented with an informed consent form describing the participant task, eligibility criteria, and the purpose of the study. Those who consented to participate and confirmed eligibility proceeded to the survey. Participants were required to answer several attention-check questions correctly throughout the survey. Participants spent a mean of 8.45 min filling out the survey and upon completion, received a debriefing form including educational resources about CSA prevention and $2.40 compensation for their time and effort.
The survey was completed by 431 participants. Data from participants who did not provide informed consent (n = 19), did not correctly answer the three attention check questions (n = 24), or indicated that their children were above the age of 17 after initial screening (n = 5) was removed, leaving a final sample of 383 participants. The participants were largely White and college educated, with approximately half between the ages of 30 and 41 years old, and primarily chose to complete the survey in English (n = 382; 99.7%). Reported annual household income was relatively equally distributed across the provided ranges, but the most commonly endorsed range was over $100,000. Compared to the U.S. population overall, this sample was more White and reported higher levels of education and household income than reflected in the U.S. population according to 2022 U.S. Census data (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022). The sample primarily identified as female (n = 218; 56.9%) or male (n = 162; 42.3%), with a small proportion identifying as gender nonconforming (n = 3; 0.8%). Participants reported currently having one (n = 132, 34.5%), two (n = 156, 40.7%), three (n = 60, 15.7%), or more (n = 35, 9.1%) children ranging in age from 0–17 years old. Most parents reported a parental makeup of a male and female couple living within the same home. Almost one quarter (n = 94, 24.5%) of participants reported direct experiences of CSA, while 218 (56.9%) participants indicated knowing someone who had experienced CSA. Of the 94 participants reporting direct CSA experiences, 19.1% (n = 18) identified as male, 79.8% (n = 75) identified as female, and 1.1% (n = 1) identified as gender neutral/nonconforming Given that approximately 20% of girls and 5% of boys experience CSA victimization (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2024), the sample is representative of estimates of CSA victimization prevalence in the U.S (Table 1).
Table 1
Demographic characteristics
n (%) | |
|---|---|
Parental Age | |
18–29 years old | 24 (6.3) |
30–41 years old | 195 (50.9) |
42–53 years old | 119 (31.1) |
54–65 years old | 45 (11.7) |
Parental Race/Ethnicity | |
Hispanic/Latinx | 24 (6.3) |
Caucasian/White or Non-Hispanic | 307 (80.2) |
African American or Black | 25 (6.5) |
Asian American | 17 (4.4) |
Native American/Alaskan Native | 1 (0.3) |
Middle Eastern/North African | 1 (0.3) |
Other | 8 (2.1) |
Parental Education Level | |
Some high school | 4 (1.0) |
High school diploma | 40 (10.4) |
Some college | 92 (24.0) |
Bachelor’s degree | 159 (41.5) |
Graduate degree | 82 (21.4) |
Vocational training | 6 (1.6) |
Annual household income | |
Less than $20,000 | 16 (4.2) |
$20,000–$40,000 | 49 (12.8) |
$40,001–$60,000 | 61 (15.9) |
$60,001–$80,000 | 64 (16.7) |
$80,001–$100,000 | 66 (17.2) |
Over $100,000 | 125 (32.6) |
Preferred not to respond | 2 (0.5) |
Parental Makeup | |
Single mother | 38 (9.9) |
Single father | 6 (1.6) |
Mother/Father (same household) | 288 (75.2) |
Mother/Father (different household) | 34 (8.9) |
Father/Father (same household) | 2 (0.5) |
Father/Father (different household) | 0 (0.0) |
Mother/Mother (same household) | 3 (0.8) |
Mother/Mother (different household) | 1 (0.3) |
Other | 10 (2.6) |
Age of Child(ren)* | |
0–3 years old | 102 (26.6) |
4–7 years old | 123 (32.1) |
8–11 years old | 110 (28.7) |
12 years or older | 204 (53.3) |
Materials
Parental prevention behavior list
A list of 17 statements related to CSA prevention actions were provided and participants were asked to respond based on their engagement in the behavior (i.e., “I have done this in the past when my child was the appropriate age”; “I currently do this”; “I plan to do this when my child is the appropriate age”; “I do not do this and do not plan to”; “I prefer not to answer”). Twelve behaviors thought to be associated with recommended prevention of CSA (e.g., “I check references before leaving my child(ren) alone with new adults”) were listed alongside five behaviors thought to be less effective, but commonly implemented in prevention efforts (e.g., “If an adult is not listed on a sex offender registry, I consider them safe to be alone with my child(ren)”). The behaviors were selected using research-based sources (e.g., Jeglic & Calkins, 2018) for parents seeking CSA prevention strategies. See Table 2 for an exhaustive list of the behaviors.
Table 2
Parental prevention behaviors and beliefs
n (%) | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Previously | Currently | Planned | Do Not/Plan To | No response | |
I teach my child/children they… | |||||
…have the right to say “no” to unwanted toucha | 123 (32.1) | 199 (52.0) | 54 (14.1) | 5 (1.3) | 2 (0.5) |
…should not keep secrets from mea | 76 (19.8) | 255 (66.6) | 33 (8.6) | 16 (4.2) | 3 (0.8) |
…should never leave with a strangera | 97 (25.3) | 247 (64.5) | 36 (9.4) | 0 (0.0) | 3 (0.8) |
…can talk to me about anything without being scared of getting in troublea | 73 (19.1) | 276 (72.1) | 31 (8.1) | 0 (0.0) | 3 (0.8) |
I talk to my child/children openly/frequently about sexa | 52 (13.6) | 135 (35.2) | 170 (44.4) | 21 (5.5) | 5 (1.3) |
I leave it to my child/children’s school to educate them about sexual abuse | 21 (5.5) | 14 (3.7) | 22 (5.7) | 315 (82.2) | 11 (2.9) |
I avoid talking to my child/children about sexual topics that make them feel uncomfortable | 34 (8.9) | 66 (17.2) | 51 (13.3) | 218 (56.9) | 14 (3.7) |
I avoid using software to block my child/children’s access to certain websites | 30 (7.8) | 79 (20.6) | 46 (12.0) | 218 (56.9) | 10 (2.6) |
I make a point to learn about what is being discussed in sexual education programs at my child/children’s schoola | 80 (20.9) | 121 (31.6) | 140 (36.6) | 37 (9.7) | 5 ((1.3) |
I check references before leaving my child/children alone with new adults, such as music teachers, sports coaches, or babysittersa | 94 (24.5) | 197 (51.4) | 58 (15.1) | 30 (7.8) | 4 (1.0) |
I restrict my child/children from revealing identifying information (such as their name, address, or school) when interacting with strangers on the interneta | 73 (19.1) | 208 (54.3) | 98 (25.6) | 3 (0.8) | 1 (0.3) |
I set limits with my child/children about where they are allowed to use an internet enabled devicea | 85 (22.2) | 192 (50.1) | 65 (17.0) | 40 (10.4) | 1 (0.3) |
I let my child/children decide when they are allowed to use an internet enabled device | 41 (10.7) | 68 (17.8) | 62 (16.2) | 206 (53.8) | 6 (1.6) |
I set rules with my child/children about what types of websites they are allowed to access on their internet enabled devicea | 82 (21.4) | 212 (55.4) | 73 (19.1) | 16 (4.2) | 0 (0.0) |
I monitor my child/children’s internet use by checking their browser historiesa | 62 (16.2) | 184 (48.0) | 75 (19.6) | 60 (15.7) | 2 (0.5) |
I expect my children to understand the difference between appropriate and inappropriate toucha | 107 (27.9) | 201 (52.5) | 64 (16.7) | 7 (1.8) | 4 (1.0) |
If an adult is not listed on a sex offender registry, I consider them safe to be alone with my child/children | 24 (6.3) | 29 (7.6) | 22 (5.7) | 298 (77.8) | 10 (2.6) |
Parental attitudes and beliefs questions
As depicted in Table 3, six items from the full Survey of Parents’ Behaviors, Attitudes, and Beliefs (Wurtele et al., 1992) were selected for use based on relevance to the current study, while other less applicable items from (Wurtele and colleague’s 1992) survey (e.g., “Body Safety Programs should teach children that itis never their fault if they have been abused,” “Preschoolers are too young to be learning about body safety”) were excluded in our study. Selected statements were related to attitudes and beliefs about what children should be taught about sexual abuse (e.g., “Children should be taught the correct names for their genitals [e.g., penis, vagina],” “Children should be taught that someone a child loves could try to sexually abuse them, even a parent or step parent”) as well as their perception of their own child’s risk for victimization. Participants were asked to rate their degree of agreement to with these statements on a Likert style scale (1 = Strongly Disagree, 5 = Strongly Agree).
Table 3
Selections from survey of parents’ behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs (Wurtele, 1992)
n (%) | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Strongly Disagree | Disagree | Neither Agree/Disagree | Agree | Strongly Agree | No Response | |
My child is not at risk for being sexually abused | 75 (19.6) | 95 (24.8) | 103 (26.9) | 69 (18.0) | 38 (9.9) | 3 (0.8) |
Children should be taught… | ||||||
… that if they are sexually abused, they should tell someone what happeneda | 2 (0.5) | 2 (0.5) | 3 (0.8) | 32 (8.4) | 343 (89.6) | 1 (0.3) |
…that strangers are the only people who abuse children | 325 (84.9) | 33 (8.6) | 15 (3.9) | 3 (0.8) | 6 (1.6) | 1 (0.3) |
…that they have the right not to be touched in ways they feel are uncomfortablea | 4 (1.0) | 0 (0.0) | 4 (1.0) | 16 (4.2) | 354 (92.4) | 5 (1.3) |
…the correct names for their genitalsa | 5 (1.3) | 5 (1.3) | 34 (8.9) | 92 (24.0) | 244 (63.7) | 3 (0.8) |
… that someone a child loves could try to sexually abuse them, even a parent or step-parenta | 5 (1.3) | 6 (1.6) | 38 (9.9) | 115 (30.0) | 214 (55.9) | 5 (1.3) |
Parental action/beliefs questions
Participants were asked three questions (i.e., “What resources do you currently use to support your efforts in preventing sexual abuse for your child/children?”; “What are some topics related to sexual abuse that you do not talk to your child/children about?”; How do you decide if someone [e.g., caregiver, extracurricular instructor, friend, and/or member of your family] is safe to leave your child alone with?”) related to resources and strategies they rely on in their CSA prevention efforts. Participants were asked to select all response options that applied. (See Table 4 for details regarding response options.) We developed these questions based on gaps in the current literature related to resource use and prevention strategies.
Table 4
Parental actions and beliefs: forced choice
n (%) | |
|---|---|
Currently used resources | |
School based programs | 151 (39.4) |
Non-school based programs | 67 (17.5) |
Parenting books | 174 (45.4) |
Children’s books | 102 (26.6) |
Podcasts | 30 (7.8) |
TV shows | 64 (16.7) |
Online Articles | 167 (43.6) |
Movies/documentaries | 58 (15.1) |
Other | 338 (88.3) |
No response | 30 (7.8) |
Sexual abuse topics avoided with child/children | |
The offender may be a familiar person | 50 (13.1) |
The offender may be a stranger | 29 (7.6) |
The offender may touch the child’s genitals | 32 (8.4) |
The offender may ask the child to touch their genitals | 50 (13.1) |
General sexual topics | 87 (22.7) |
No response | 107 (27.9) |
Strategies for assessing safety in other adults (e.g., a caregiver, teacher, family) | |
Monitoring child’s feelings around the adult | 312 (81.5) |
Checking the adult’s references | 235 (61.4) |
Trust one’s instinct | 253 (66.1) |
Waiting until adult feels known before leaving child alone with them | 288 (75.2) |
Reliance on the opinion of the community | 153 (39.9) |
No response | 2 (0.5) |
Demographic questions
Participants were asked demographic questions assessing gender identity, age, race/ethnicity, educational attainment, household income, number and age(s) of their children, and parental makeup of their household. Participants were also asked about their experiences with child sexual abuse (i.e., “Were you ever a victim of sexual abuse while under the age of 18?”).
Data Analysis
Data was analyzed using IBM’s SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) Statistics (Version 29; IBM Corp, 2022). To examine parents’ attitudes, beliefs, and behavioral engagement, frequencies were assessed. Positive prevention behavior scores were calculated based on participants endorsing current or previous engagement in the twelve behaviors on the Parental Prevention Behavior List thought to positively contribute to CSA prevention. The potential range for positive prevention behavior scores was 0–12, with increasing value indicating higher current or previous engagement with behaviors thought to positively contribute to CSA prevention. Positive prevention attitude scores were derived based on level of agreement to attitudes and beliefs on the Survey of Parents’ Behaviors, Attitudes, and Beliefs. The potential range for scores on this measure was 0–24, with the five-point scale converted to begin at zero (i.e., Strongly Disagree = 0). Reverse coding was applied for several items to allow increased score values to indicate higher agreement with positive CSA prevention attitudes and lower agreement with attitudes thought to be less helpful in prevention efforts. To examine the relationship between parental engagement of discussion-based practices and perceptions of their child’s risk for CSA victimization, a composite score was created based on engagement in six items from the Parental Prevention Behavior List. (See Table 2 for inclusion details.) Endorsing either current, previous, or planned use of a discussion-based strategy resulted in one point per item, producing a composite score ranging from 0–6. Reverse coding was applied for one item to allow increased score values to reflect engagement in more forms of discussion-based strategies.
Results
Missing data analyses indicated no differences in participants with complete or incomplete data for the Parental Prevention Behavior List, Parental Attitudes and Beliefs Questions, Parental Action/Beliefs Questions sections related to gender, CSA history, education level, age, or income. Frequencies were assessed for participant responses to questions regarding their current behaviors, attitudes and beliefs. As depicted in Table 2, most parents indicated current, or age-appropriate previous or planned engagement in positive CSA prevention behaviors from the Parental Prevention Behavior List. Relatedly, most parents denied current, planned or previous engagement in behaviors thought to be less effective (e.g., avoiding discussing uncomfortable topics with children, assessing safety of other adults based solely on sex offender registries). Among participants with complete data for the Parental Prevention Behavior List (n = 356), scores ranged from 5–12 (M = 11.4, SD = 1.1). Scores for engagement in discussion-based behaviors specifically ranged from 3–6 (M = 5.5, SD = 0.06) among participants with complete data (n = 366).
Parent responses to selected questions from (Wurtele and colleague’s Survey of Parents’ Behaviors, Attitudes, and Beliefs 1992) largely suggest that this sample held attitudes and beliefs thought to be helpful to CSA prevention (e.g., majority agreement that children should be taught about the potential for sexual abuse to come from a known individual). Notably, parents’ appraisals of their own child(ren)’s risk for victimization varied. (See Table 3 for details.) Among participants with complete data (n = 370) for the selected items from Survey of Parents’ Behaviors, Attitudes, and Beliefs, scores ranged from 8–24 (M = 20.7, SD = 2.6).
A Pearson’s correlation was conducted to assess the relationship between parents’ appraisals of their child(ren)’s risk for CSA victimization and parental engagement in discussion-based prevention practices. Preliminary analyses showed the relationship to be linear and there were no outliers. Although violations of normality were present (p < 0.001), evidence for Pearson’s correlation’s robustness to such violations (Havlicek & Peterson, 1976; 1977) suggested it was unproblematic to the analysis. There was a statistically significant, small negative correlation between increased parental beliefs that their child was not at risk of being sexually abused and lower engagement in different types of discussion-based prevention practices, r(361) = −0.14, p = 0.007.
Participants were also asked to respond to several follow up questions about CSA prevention resources, topics avoided by the parent in discussions with their child/children, and their strategies for assessing whether adults are safe to spend time alone with their child. Parents who reported using the resources listed (n = 328) indicated using a mean of 2.48 (SD = 1.47) of the eight listed. The most reported resources currently in use included school-based programs, parenting books, children’s books, and online articles. A large portion of participants endorsed using other resources not included in the list. The majority of the qualitative responses to this endorsement (n = 44) either expressed not using any of the resources listed (generally: n = 7, 15.9%; specifically due to the child being too young: n = 5, 11.4%) were redundant (e.g., noting involvement in school-based programs with previous endorsement of this item in the list; n = 3, 6.8%), or described using parent-child discussions (e.g., “talking to my child about the subject”; n = 11, 25%), personal knowledge (e.g., “common sense”; n = 10, 22.7%), or supervision (“I always know where and who they are with”; n = 1, 2.3%) rather than specific resources. A minority of responses mentioned resources not included in the list, reporting use of community discussions (e.g., “Facebook groups,” “things I hear from family and friends”; n = 3, 6.8%), medical professionals (e.g., “pediatrician”; n = 3, 6.8%), and religious resources (“Bible”; n = 1, 2.3%) to support prevention efforts.
Few participants reported avoiding topics of discussion related to CSA, but the most avoided topics related to general sexual topics, the offender being familiar or that a perpetrator may attempt to have the child have physical contact with their genitals. When deciding whether another adult is safe to leave their child alone with, most participants reported monitoring their child’s feelings around the adult, waiting until the adult feels known to the parent, trusting their instincts, and checking the adult’s references. The only response option that many participants did not endorse was relying on the opinion of their community.
Discussion
Parents’ proximity and the associated emotional and social connectedness with their children make this population important figures to examine in improving CSA prevention efforts. Our study provides an updated examination of the strategies used among a sample of U.S. parents and the beliefs and attitudes they hold about related topics. Notably, this sample was Whiter and reported higher education levels and income than is representative of the overall U.S. population and largely reported two-parent household compositions, suggesting limitations in generalizability. However, given the lack of information of parental engagement in prevention efforts generally, this convenience sample served to provide initial understandings of certain parent populations. Overall, we found that these parents, with children of various ages, are largely engaging in preventative behaviors that reflect best practices and subscribing to beliefs and attitudes thought to be helpful in effective CSA prevention.
Discussion-Based Practices and Beliefs
As hypothesized, most parents in this sample reported either currently engaging in or having previously engaged in or planned to engage in age-appropriate discussion-based CSA prevention strategies with their child(ren) First, the majority of parents indicated these discussions included or would include promoting bodily autonomy with their child(ren). A large majority indicated they have either currently, previously, or plan to teach their child(ren) they have right to say “no” to unwanted touch. Further, most parents indicated current, planned, or previous expectations that their child understand the difference between appropriate and inappropriate touch. Parents also reported current, or age-appropriate previous or planned open communication between themselves and their child(ren) in discouraging secret keeping and teaching children that they can talk to their parents without fear of getting in trouble. Talking with children openly and frequently about sex was also commonly endorsed as being used currently, previously, or planned for the future when their child(ren) were of an appropriate age. In contrast to international research suggesting that parents may worry that discussing sexual topics could overeducate or cause harm, loss of innocence, fear, or anxiety in children (Chen, 2007; Rudolph & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018; Xie, 2016), our results suggest that U.S. parents resembling our sample may be more willing to include sexual topics in their parent-child discussions, regardless of potential discomfort. These findings align with research highlighting the importance of parental engagement in open communication regarding sexual issues in decreasing CSA risk among adolescents (Markham et al., 2010) and elementary school aged children (Goldfarb & Lieberman, 2021). The rise in sexual violence awareness campaigns (e.g., the #MeToo movement) and the resulting public attention and destigmatization of discussions related to sexual violence may be responsible for increased engagement among our sample.
While more than half of parents reported that they do not avoid talking to their children about sexual topics that they believe might make their child feel uncomfortable, a substantial minority of parents did report that they currently do, have done so previously, or plan to do so in the future. This could indicate that while most of these parents are willing to engage in frequent and open discussions about sexual topics, some apprehension is still present in approaching topics they believe might make their child feel uncomfortable.
All parents in our sample who responded to this question reported they either currently, have previously, or plan to teach their child that they should not leave with someone they do not know. Engagement with this behavior supports previous findings that parents include stranger danger rhetoric in discussion-based prevention efforts (Chen, 2007; McAlinden, 2006; Walsh & Brandon, 2012). Optimistically, the majority of parents in our sample do not rely solely on preventative strategies related to the stranger danger myth and instead appear to be integrating aspects of both stranger safety and potential for familiar offenders into their prevention efforts. In assessing attitudes on discussion-based prevention efforts, most parents indicated agreement that children should be taught the correct anatomical names for genitals, to tell someone what happened if they are sexually abused, that they have the right to bodily autonomy, and that an abuser could potentially be known or loved by the child (e.g., parent or step-parent). Most parents did not report beliefs that discussing certain sexual topics with their children should be avoided (i.e., offenders familiar or unknown to the child, that the offender may touch the child’s genitals or ask the child to touch the offender’s genitals, general sexual topics), suggesting that attitudes among these parents about what should and should not be discussed with children aligns well with what government and sexual violence prevention organizations recommend.
Participants in this sample reported beliefs across the range of response options regarding their perception of their child(ren)’s risk, suggesting some variation in the extent to which parents believe their children are at risk for CSA. Importantly, previous research has found that some parents view their own children as being at low or no risk for CSA (e.g., 55%, (Collins 1996); 47%, (Ige, 2011); 19%, (Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021); 86% (Rudolph & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018); 59%, (Wurtele et al., 1992); 42%, (Xie, 2016). In the current sample, approximately one third reported agreement or strong agreement that their child was not at risk for CSA, while slightly less than half reported disagreement or strong disagreement with this statement, suggesting higher awareness of risk. Therefore, among the current sample, it appears that while beliefs that their own child(ren) are at low risk still pervade to some extent e, some participants are more aware of potential risks. Additionally, the small relationship found within the current sample between higher parental perceptions that their child is not at risk for CSA victimization and lower engagement in varied discussion-based behaviors supports previous research suggesting that parents attribute choices not to engage in discussion-based practices to their perceptions of low risk among their child(ren) (Deblinger et al., 2010; Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021). Optimistically, the small size of the relationship paired with the current sample’s high reported engagement in discussion-based behaviors may suggest that risk perceptions do not strongly prohibit engagement in these preventative practices.
While discussion-based practices appear to be commonly used among our sample, varied use of other resources appears more limited. On average, parents reported using approximately two to three of the eight resources listed. Importantly, although participants were asked about their use of these resources in a general sense, the quality of the resources these parents do use is unknown. Use of formal sources of education also appears limited, with fewer than half of parents reporting the use of parenting books, children’s books, podcasts, TV shows, online articles, movies or documentaries, or prevention programs outside of school. It is notable that participants reporting using other resources not provided on the list such as “common sense” or community discussions to support their preventative efforts, which may lead to potentially ineffective prevention behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs. (Rheingold and colleagues 2007) found that parental knowledge increased immediately after reviewing educational CSA prevention booklets and parents endorsed more supported prevention behaviors, suggesting that engagement with educational materials could improve knowledge and increase engagement in recommended behaviors.
Social and Environmental Practices and Beliefs
Most parents in this study reported currently, previously, or planning to maintain awareness of the content of their child’s school-based sexual education programs. This suggests a norm of parental guardianship, where parents feel responsible for being aware not only about the education provided at home, but also of what is provided by schools. Still, a small portion of parents reported that they do not and do not plan to learn about what is being discussed in sexual education programs at school. Relatedly, the majority of parents reported they do not currently and do not plan to leave the responsibility of education their child(ren) about sexual abuse to their schools. Given that informed parent-child education can improve child knowledge regarding CSA (Cırık et al., 2020), parental engagement in CSA education should be an encouraged part of prevention processes. As noted previously, the majority of participants did not endorse school-based programs specifically as a currently used resource. These findings could indicate that parents do not perceive their involvement in these programs as a primary strategy. However, the lack of involvement identified among this sample could also relate to factors related to availability of such programs to these parents.
Social monitoring is another key aspect of guardianship and serves as an alternative mode of protection to placing the burden of responsibility on the child. Given the cultural shift toward emphasizing adults’ responsibilities in CSA prevention through establishing and maintaining safe environments for children, we examined currently used parental social monitoring strategies. Most parents in our sample reported engaging in recommended social monitoring methods, including trusting their instinct, monitoring their child’s feelings around other adults, and waiting until the adult feels known to the parent before leaving the child alone with them. Further, the majority of parents reported checking references before leaving their children alone with new. Contrary to our hypothesis, the majority of parents reported that they do not consider an adult safe simply because they are not listed on a sex offender registry, which is encouraging given that recent research on the ineffectiveness of sex offender registries in preventing CSA (Zgoba & Mitchell, 2021). Considering previous discussion regarding the dangers of heavy reliance on sex offender registries, the current findings suggest prevention programs should continue to emphasize the importance of varied means for assessing safety in other adults.
The only strategy for assessing safety among other adults that was not used by a majority of the sample was reliance on community opinion. This could point to culturally individualistic tendencies among U.S. parents, aligning with the tendency for most previously identified parental prevention strategies to be based in individual action rather than broader community involvement (Babatsikos & Miles, 2015; Collins, 1996; Rudolph, Zimmer-Gembeck, Shanley, & Hawkins, 2018; Wurtele et al., 1992; Xie 2016). Lower reliance on community opinions could hold positive potential, as during the process of sexual grooming the offender may gain access to roles where they have increased contact with children (e.g., teacher, coach) and can develop a reputation as a well-liked, pillar of the community (Winters & Jeglic, 2017; Winters et al., 2020). Therefore, heavy reliance on community reputation in assessing an adult’s safeness may pose problems if sexual grooming has influenced community opinion.
Finally, it is important to note the possibility that social monitoring may be less relevant to some parents. Although the current study did not assess for its prevalence, prevention approaches may include limiting the extent to which a parent leaves their child(ren) unmonitored with other adults, as (Guggisberg et al., 2023) identified monitoring and supervision as a key prevention strategy reported among parents across various studies. Importantly, implementing this strategy may relate to various factors (e.g., socioeconomic status, culture, the child(ren)’s developmental status).
Internet Safety Practices and Beliefs
Parents in our sample generally reported using recommended strategies to monitor their children’s safety online. Most parents reported either currently, previously, or planning to restrict their children from exposing identifying information online when interacting with strangers. A minority of the sample reported they do not or do not plan to set rules about what types of websites their children are allowed to access and where they are allowed to use internet enabled devices. Ofcom’s Children and Parent’s Media Use and Attitude’s Report (2022) notes that among children between five and seven years old, 28% have their own mobile phone, 33% use social media websites, 59% use messaging sites, and 38% play online games, increasing the potential for online interactions with strangers. As such, the proactive parental engagement with online safety behaviors we identified is encouraging for prevention efforts. Regarding browser history monitoring, most parents reported either currently, previously, or planning to do so when this becomes relevant to their child. While the proportion of parents who reported they do not monitor their child(ren)’s browser histories and do not plan to is not large, this suggests some hesitancy among parents to engage in this practice. Of note, Ofcom’s (2022) report found that U.K. parents of sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds were least likely to use technical tools (e.g., content filtering, monitoring apps) compared to parents of younger children. Given the wide range of child(ren) age among the sample, this finding could relate to increased privacy sometimes afforded to adolescents.
Slightly less than half of parents reported more passive approaches to their child’s internet use. Specifically, parents reported either currently, previously, or planning to let their child(ren) decide when they are allowed to use their device. Parents also reported either currently, previously, or planning to avoid using software to block their child(ren)’s access to certain websites. Among a sample of Australian parents, approximately one third reported that their children rarely used internet-enabled devices in an unsupervised environment and that their internet use was mostly not monitored through methods such as checking browser histories (Rudolph et al., 2022). Further, less than half of parents reported always or almost always limiting their child’s screen time. Parents in this U.S.-based sample appear to be engaging slightly more in these types of preventative practices, but a minority appear to remain opposed. Research in Wales found that the parent-focused prevention education provided through Stop It Now! increased parental knowledge and protective action, particularly when related to online abuse (Hudson, 2018). It is unclear why some parents in our sample are not engaging in supported internet safety behaviors, and this finding may relate to limitations in our data. For example, minority opposition may relate to engagement in other strategies which make others less relevant (e.g., actively monitoring their child’s internet use could reduce the need to check browsing histories).
Limitations and Future Directions
Our study and findings are not without limitations. We conducted this study on an internet-based platform with data collected through participant self-report. In comparison to interviews, the high degrees of anonymity afforded through anonymous online surveys have been found to increase participant perceptions of confidentiality (DiLillo et al., 2006) and improve the likelihood of honest responding on sensitive topics (Joyal & Carpentier, 2017). At the same time, online surveys also allow for the possibility of false reporting, and it is possible that the nature of the study’s content induced socially desirable responding. The online format may also lend to participant misunderstandings of the content, and limited researcher control over the participant environment, leaving room for distractions. Efforts to reduce the impact of these factors included repeated screening for eligibility and attention check questions. Further, the use of internet-based recruitment limits the current sample to participants with easier access to internet-enabled devices. As noted previously, the sample reported higher household incomes, potentially suggesting that the internet-based recruitment methodology biased the sample toward more economically advantaged participants who can more easily access the internet.
Cultural elements may also play a role in how parents engage in protective strategies for their child’s safety and discuss matters related to CSA. While we attempted to broaden participation by offering the survey in both Spanish and English, this study did not specifically seek to examine potential cultural differences. Studies conducted outside of the U.S. appear to have some variation in parental CSA strategies utilized (e.g., individual versus societal level action; Mathoma, 2006). As (Sanjeevi and colleagues 2018) assert, cultural contexts can influence how CSA is defined, how and if it is reported, and variation in risk and protective factors. Accordingly, culture could play an important role in shaping preventative practices within families. Recent movement toward developing culturally sensitive CSA prevention programs (e.g., Kids Learning About Safety; Kenny, 2010) necessitates further research examining more diverse samples and cultural differences. Further, U.S. states vary significantly in how CSA prevention is approached in school contexts. Therefore, it is likely that parental prevention behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs differ between geographic areas. Importantly, this study did not assess for various demographic factors that may influence our findings’ generalizability (i.e., geographic location, cultural orientation, number of years married/cohabitating, parental position of the participant [e.g., step-parent]).
Notably, our study’s sample was more White, educated, and reported higher incomes than is generally represented in the overall U.S. population, suggesting limits to the generalizability of this study’s findings. Specifically, this sample’s high engagement in positive prevention behaviors may relate to their higher income and education levels. Further, the majority of our sample reported household compositions of a cohabitating mother and father, which may also influence generalizability. As single-parenthood has been identified as a barrier to ensuring adequate childcare (Livingston et al., 2020), the resources (e.g., financial, social, time) presumably more available in the two-parent households common among our sample may have contributed to the level of engagement in recommended practices reported by participants.
Additionally, previous research suggests that parental gender (Walsh et al., 2012; Wurtele et al., 1992; Xu & Cheung, 2023), family characteristics (Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021; Rudolph, Zimmer-Gembeck, Shanley, Walsh, & Hawkins, 2018), and personal histories of CSA (Deblinger et al., 2010; Wurtele et al., 1992) may relate to parental engagement with discussion-based prevention strategies specifically. Given that these studies are generally older and conducted outside of the U.S., replication efforts may be helpful for exploring how these findings apply to current representative U.S. samples. Specifically, parental prevention behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes likely differ depending on the age and developmental stage of their child(ren). Additionally, more research is needed to assess behaviors, attitudes and beliefs among more diverse samples, with attention to how engagement in various prevention behaviors may be impacted by factors such as parents’ appraisal of their child(ren)’s risk, CSA victimization history, gender, culture, geographic location, child age, and socioeconomic status.
Finally, to properly inform at-home and school-based CSA prevention efforts, future research must address questions related to the effectiveness of currently used strategies. Some research has been conducted addressing this topic in regard to sex offender registries (Sandler et al., 2008), improvement of parental CSA knowledge (Del Campo et al., 2023; MacIntyre & Carr, 1999), as well as protective behavior engagement (Del Campo et al., 2023; Guastaferro et al., 2022; Hébert et al., 2002; Navaei et al., 2018; Shaw et al., 2021; Wurtele et al., 2008), through parent-focused prevention programs. Yet, much remains to be examined in terms of the effectiveness of commonly used CSA prevention practices. It is hoped that the findings of this study can inform and build on current CSA prevention programs directed towards parents. However, given that 7.8% of perpetrators are parents or caregivers in the home (Mathews et al., 2024), prevention programs focused solely on parents may limit preventative efforts. Therefore, prevention programs should also target other protective adults in increasing engagement in effective protective practices and adherence to positive prevention attitudes and beliefs.
Conclusion
Ultimately, our study provides evidence that some parents are engaging in CSA prevention practices that largely align with recommendations put forth by governmental and sexual violence prevention organizations. These findings suggest that these parents hold attitudes and beliefs about topics related to their child(ren)’s sexual education and prevention efforts that are congruent with the guidelines currently recommended to protect children from sexual abuse. Notably, the demographic characteristics of the current sample limit generalizability of these findings to the overall U.S. population, thereby necessitating further research using more diverse samples of U.S. parents. Further investigation of the effectiveness of currently utilized prevention efforts and the impacts of related attitudes and beliefs is also imperative to improving these efforts.
Acknowledgements
The authors greatly acknowledge Giovanna Jara for providing Spanish translations of the survey materials and the Forensic Psychology Research Institute at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York for their assistance in funding participation in this study.
Author Contributions:
All authors contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation, data collection and analysis were performed by Lillian Steedman and Elizabeth Jeglic. The first draft of the manuscript was written by Lillian Steedman and all authors commented on previous versions of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Compliance with Ethical Standards
Conflict of Interest
All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee [Institutional Review Board of John Jay College of Criminal Justice (IRB File #2021-0071)], and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.
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