Research shows adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) have implications for various aspects of adolescent peer relationships, including peer characteristics, peer status, and quality of peer relationships (Henry et al.,
2018; Wang et al.,
2024a). However, the associations between ACEs and peer relationships are complex; several limitations of the current literature relate to how ACEs are measured, the timing of ACEs studied, and the types of peer relationship outcomes examined. ACEs are often analyzed using either a specificity model, where each ACE is examined separately, or a cumulative model, where ACEs are summed to create a total score. Both approaches fail to capture the co-occurring patterns of ACEs (McLaughlin et al.,
2021). Further, most ACE research focuses on the entire childhood (i.e., 0–18 years; lifetime approach) or early childhood (i.e., 0–5 years), with little attention to ACEs in adolescence (Hawes & Allen,
2023). Additionally, few studies have examined the extent to which ACEs are associated with multiple aspects of peer relationships, particularly positive indicators of peer relationships (Wang et al.,
2024a). It is critical to understand the associations between ACEs and peer relationships because peers form an essential “community” for the development of youth with ACEs (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA],
2014). The current study addresses these gaps by leveraging a person-centered approach to examine co-occurring ACE patterns in early adolescence and their associations with 10 peer relationship outcomes in middle adolescence within a sample of youth experiencing adversity.
Adverse Childhood Experiences
ACEs are potentially traumatic events that individuals experience throughout childhood (i.e., 0–18 years) and include neglect, abuse, and witnessing domestic violence, among others. The original CDC-Kaiser ACE study examined 10 ACEs (Felitti et al.,
1998), although additional ACEs have been considered more recently. ACEs have an enduring impact on human development across life domains, including physical health (e.g., cancer), mental health (e.g., depression), life opportunities (e.g., education), and interpersonal relationships (Hughes et al.,
2017; Metzler et al.,
2017). ACEs are also common; two-thirds of the U.S. population reported at least one ACE. Further, ACEs often co-occur; 1 in 6 individuals in the U.S. reported experiencing four or more ACEs by age 18 (Swedo et al.,
2023).
Traditionally, ACEs have been examined using either the specificity or cumulative models. The specificity model focuses on individual ACEs separately (e.g., physical neglect or sexual abuse) and assumes each ACE has a unique mechanism affecting human well-being. In contrast, the cumulative model assumes a global mechanism across all ACEs and creates a sum score of ACEs to assess dose-response relationships (McLaughlin et al.,
2021). Both models have been criticized for notable shortcomings. The specificity model fails to consider that individuals often experience multiple ACEs, which could result in attributing harm to a single ACE when it is a combination of ACEs. The cumulative model assumes that ACEs have additive effects and considers all ACEs as equally influential. In summary, neither approach distinguishes between distinct co-occurring patterns of ACEs and their implications for developmental outcomes (McLaughlin et al.,
2021).
Given these shortcomings, viable alternative models have been proposed (Baldwin et al.,
2023). For example, the dimensional models offer theoretically driven approaches to distinguish between what is referred to as the “core underlying dimensions” of ACEs (McLaughlin et al.,
2021, p. 1464), including threat and deprivation, as outlined in the Dimensional Model of Adversity and Psychopathology (DMAP; McLaughlin et al.,
2014). Such dimensions are thought to be generalizable across populations and extend across individual forms of adversity, allowing ACEs to be grouped by the underlying mechanisms by which they affect human development. For example, threat primarily affects emotional processing, whereas deprivation impacts the cognitive system (McLaughlin et al.,
2021). The DMAP is supported by the neuroscience literature (McLaughlin et al.,
2019). However, evidence supporting its applicability in behavioral science is in its early stages (McLaughlin,
2016).
Another alternative is person-centered methods, such as latent class analysis (LCA; Baldwin et al.,
2023), which examine co-occurring ACEs and identify distinct ACE patterns. Studies using LCA suggest ACEs often cluster into 3–5 classes (Wang et al.,
2024b). However, the number and nature of the ACE classes, as well as their implications for developmental outcomes, are often specific to the study samples and the ACE indicators used (Baldwin et al.,
2023). Such variability highlights the need for additional LCA research that analyzes established ACE indicators and uses theoretical frameworks when naming ACE classes to enhance comparability across studies and facilitate a clearer interpretation of observed variability. It also underscores the need to examine diverse and specialized samples (e.g., at-risk vs. community samples) to expand knowledge on how ACEs cluster together across different groups. Therefore, this study analyzed a diverse at-risk sample, utilized the 10 ACEs as defined in the CDC-Kaiser ACE study to model the ACE classes, and referenced the DMAP in naming and interpreting the ACE classes.
ACE research has traditionally assessed adversities throughout childhood (i.e., 0–18 years) or focused on early childhood (i.e., 0–5 years; Felitti et al.,
1998; Hawes & Allen,
2023). ACEs in adolescence are understudied (Hawes & Allen,
2023). However, recent research underscores the importance of adopting a developmental life course perspective by examining ACEs occurring in later developmental periods, such as adolescence (Logan-Greene et al.,
2024). Developmental timing plays a critical role in understanding both the mechanisms through which ACEs affect various biopsychosocial outcomes and the extent to which the co-occurrence of ACEs may vary across developmental stages (Hawes & Allen,
2023; Reh et al.,
2020). Early adolescence is a critical developmental period (Dahl et al.,
2018) characterized by unique features like neuroplasticity in puberty, which can influence how ACEs affect developmental outcomes. For example, this stage presents an opportunity to recalibrate the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, which may have been affected by early adversities (DePasquale et al.,
2021). Further, preliminary empirical research indicates ACEs experienced during early adolescence can have distinct developmental implications than those experienced during early childhood (Logan-Greene et al.,
2024). Notably, ACEs in later developmental periods are related to early adversities (Brown et al.,
2019). Thus, the current study examined ACEs experienced during early adolescence (i.e., around age 12) while controlling for early adversities.
Further, ACEs’ prevalence rates and implications for developmental outcomes vary across demographic variables, including gender, race, and family income (Beyer et al.,
2015; Felitti et al.,
1998; Yang et al.,
2025). Women, racial and ethnic minorities, and individuals with low family income are more likely to experience high rates of ACEs (Felitti et al.,
1998; Swedo et al.,
2023). However, the associations between ACE classes and demographic variables are less clear, partially due to the variability of ACE classes across studies (Wang et al.,
2024b). Nonetheless, recent research provided preliminary evidence on the associations between demographic variables and ACE classes. For instance, women tend to have more complex ACE profiles than men (Haahr-Pedersen et al.,
2020), Black and Latinx youth tend to have different ACE profiles than White youth (Maguire-Jack et al.,
2020), and low family income is related to high-ACE profiles (Liu et al.,
2018). To add to the emerging literature on demographics and ACE classes, this study investigated age, gender, race, income, and geographic locations as demographic characteristics of ACE classes and further controlled them in examining the associations between ACE classes and peer relationships.
Associations Between ACEs and Adolescent Peer Relationships
Peer relationships are critical for adolescent well-being across life domains, both in the general population and particularly among youth with ACEs (Bukowski et al.,
2018; Wang et al.,
2024a). Peers often serve as a first line of support, providing a safe space for youth to disclose ACEs, such as sexual abuse, physical abuse, and neglect (Wang et al.,
2024a). Further, peers form an essential “community” that facilitates trauma recovery for youth (SAMHSA,
2014). However, youth with ACEs are more likely to experience negative peer relationships, such as fewer friends and lower peer status (Wang et al.,
2024a). According to the social learning theory (Bandura,
1977), home environments are a critical socializing agent that guides youth’s social attitudes and behaviors. When experiencing adversities in their interactions with families, youth may observe inappropriate behaviors (e.g., aggression) as well as experience emotional dysregulation and lack of trust, which can challenge them from developing healthy interpersonal relationships, including peer relationships (McLaughlin et al.,
2021; Poole et al.,
2018). Nonetheless, research suggests ACEs may have differential implications for various aspects of peer relationships. For instance, ACEs are related to lower peer status, yet the associations between ACEs, peer characteristics, and peer relationship quality are less conclusive (Wang et al.,
2024a).
Further, the literature has several notable gaps that warrant investigation (Wang et al.,
2024a). Similar to the broader ACE literature, research on ACEs and peer relationships often examines individual ACEs in isolation (i.e., the specificity model). This area of research lags even further behind the broader ACE literature, as the cumulative model is rarely used, and person-centered approaches have yet to be widely used. This notable limitation prevents a comprehensive understanding of how distinct co-occurring ACE patterns are associated with adolescent peer relationships. Further, much of the literature on ACEs and peer relationships is cross-sectional, which obscures understanding of how ACEs are associated with peer relationships over time. There is also a need to examine multiple aspects of peer relationships with ACEs rather than focusing on a single peer relationship outcome. To address these gaps, the current study used a person-centered approach to examine ACE classes at age 12 and relate them to three salient aspects of peer relationships at age 16 (i.e., peer characteristics, peer relationship quality, and peer status).
Peer characteristics refer to the behaviors, features, and traits of the peers with whom youth are affiliated, including positive (e.g., prosocial peers) and negative (e.g., peer delinquency) characteristics (Wang et al.,
2024a). These characteristics have implications for the well-being of youth with ACEs. For example, positive peer characteristics may help mitigate the adverse effects of ACEs on youth development (Garrido & Taussig,
2013), whereas negative peer characteristics can exacerbate ACEs’ impact (Henry et al.,
2018). In addition, peer characteristics may serve as a mechanism (i.e., mediation) by which ACEs further influence youth outcomes, such as substance use (Feske et al.,
2008). Nonetheless, the literature is inconclusive regarding the associations between ACEs and peer characteristics. For instance, Wang et al. (
2024a) found in a systematic review that 17 studies reported ACEs were related to negative peer characteristics, such as deviant peer affiliation and peer violence and substance use. Meanwhile, 12 studies suggested nonsignificant associations, and one study found that ACEs were related to positive peer characteristics (i.e., less peer alcohol use). Notably, much of this literature examined ACEs through the specificity model without considering ACEs’ co-occurring nature. In addition, research focuses on the links between ACEs and negative peer characteristics, with limited attention to positive ones. Adolescents often engage with both positive and negative peers, who may affect their development through distinct mechanisms (e.g., Walters,
2020). Therefore, this study examined positive and negative peer characteristics (i.e., positive peer behavior, peer substance use, and peer delinquency) in relation to the co-occurring ACE patterns.
Peer relationship quality refers to the quality of interactions among similar-aged youth and also has a critical impact on the development of youth with ACEs, such as mental health and delinquency (Ban & Oh,
2016). Similar to peer characteristics, the literature on ACEs and peer relationship quality is inconclusive. In the same review, Wang et al. (
2024a) found that 16 studies reported ACEs were negatively related to peer relationship quality, whereas 13 studies suggested nonsignificant associations and one indicated a positive association. Further, much of the literature conceptualizes ACEs via the specificity model and often examines the presence of positive indicators (e.g., intimacy) or the absence of negative features (e.g., conflict) of peer relation quality in the context of ACEs. In reality, these two types of indicators can co-occur (e.g., a close relationship can have high levels of intimacy and conflict; Laurenceau et al.,
2005), and both can affect youth development. Thus, the current study analyzed both positive and negative indicators of peer relationship quality (i.e., companionship, satisfaction, intimacy, and conflict) in relation to the co-occurring ACE patterns.
Peer status refers to the social position youth hold among peers and is another potential mechanism through which ACEs affect youth development. For example, ACEs may be associated with lower peer status, which in turn negatively affects various youth outcomes, such as depression (Alto et al.,
2018) and violence (Chapple et al.,
2005). Further, lower peer status might exacerbate ACEs’ negative influences on youth development (Christ et al.,
2017). In contrast to peer characteristics and peer relationship quality, the literature is conclusive that ACEs are related to lower peer status. However, this conclusion is based on studies that primarily conceptualized and measured ACEs through the specificity model without capturing ACEs’ co-occurring nature (Wang et al.,
2024a). Thus, the current study examined the implications of co-occurring ACE patterns for peer status (i.e., peer popularity, aggression, and victimization) to gain a more holistic understanding.