Many anti-bullying interventions consider ways to encourage peer bystanders to defend their victimized peers (Gaffney et al.,
2021), and defending does appear to be associated with reduced levels of bullying in the classroom (Nocentini et al.,
2013). Defending others, unlike many other forms of prosocial behavior, inherently involves some degree of risk (potential negative feedback from peers and/or retaliation from the perpetrator). As defending peers is a critical component of many anti-bullying interventions (Gaffney et al.,
2021), it is crucial to examine whether encouraging this behavior could inadvertently put youth at risk for subsequent victimization. However, it is still unknown whether defending actually increases the likelihood that youth are victimized and whether this is the case for all types of defending. It is also important to consider the other direction - that victimized youth are more likely to defend their fellow victimized peers over time. The current study aims to clarify the bidirectional associations between defending and victimization, using four waves of data. This study goes beyond past research on this topic by differentiating between- and within-person associations (using random-intercept cross-lagged panel modeling: RI-CLPM: Hamaker et al.,
2015), while separately considering three different types of peer-reported defending (i.e., assertive defending, comforting defending, reporting to authorities) and considering multiple informants of victimization (self and peers).
Bidirectional Associations Between Different Types of Defending and Victimization
In line with theoretical models of Prosocial Risk Taking (Do et al.,
2017), defending is a voluntary behavior that is enacted to benefit someone else but also includes an unknown risk – thus involving both prosociality and risk-taking. One key risk for defenders is the potential to be judged negatively by peers or become the next target, which may be particularly salient in adolescence when social relationships with peers are especially important (Gavin & Furman,
1989). Although youth themselves note that a fear of victimization may preclude them from defending their peers (Strindberg et al.,
2020), the limited longitudinal research has produced mixed findings regarding whether defending is (Huitsing et al.,
2014) or is not (Malamut et al.,
2023; Meter & Card,
2015) actually positively associated with victimization over time.
However, a crucial limitation of previous studies is that they have studied the links between defending and victimization from a between-person perspective. Although this provides information regarding whether those who defend (or are victimized) more than their peers on average also tend to be victimized (or defend) more than their peers on average over time, between-person associations do not answer whether the act of defending itself impacts youth’s subsequent risk for becoming more victimized. To answer this critical question (whether defending puts youth at risk for victimization), as well as whether victimization experiences may increase youth’s likelihood to defend in the future, it is necessary to also examine within-person changes. By disentangling between- and within-person associations, it is possible to investigate whether youth’s own defending or victimization experiences are related to that individual’s subsequent victimization or defending. Specifically, RI-CLPMs test whether youth who score higher than expected on defending or victimization (compared to their usual levels) is related to scoring higher than expected on victimization or defending (respectively) at the next time point.
As posited in a model of defending behavior as an act of moral courage (Pouwels et al.,
2019 – adapted from Latané & Darley,
1970), the final stage before enacting defending behavior is a cost-benefit analysis (i.e., whether the costs of not intervening are greater than the costs of intervening). Although most previous research examining the longitudinal link between defending and victimization did not differentiate between different types of defending behaviors (see Lambe & Craig,
2022 and Malamut et al.,
2023 as exceptions), different strategies of defending may not be equally risky in terms of potential future victimization. Recent research distinguishes three main types of defending behaviors (sometimes complemented by additional ones): directly confronting the perpetrator (assertive defending), comforting the victimized peer, and reporting the bullying to an authority (e.g., Lambe & Craig,
2020; Yun,
2020). The extent to which defending could be a risk factor for future victimization may differ depending on how the defending is enacted.
In particular, risky defending strategies may entail those that overtly go against the perpetrator (e.g., assertive defending). Perpetrators tend to be popular (Wiertsema et al.,
2023) and influential in the peer group (Sandstrom,
2011), with access to social resources. As such, directly confronting perpetrators may put defenders at odds with powerful classmates, and at risk for retaliation. Although it has been argued that directly confronting the perpetrator is a risky form of defending, some previous research did not find a prospective link between direct defending and victimization (Malamut et al.,
2023). Still, this study only focused on between-person associations, and did not control for the other temporal direction. Thus, it is still unclear whether assertive defending is related to within-person changes in victimization. On the within-person level, the hypothesis that higher levels of engaging in assertive defending (compared to one’s usual levels) is associated with increases in victimization (compared to one’s usual levels) will be tested.
Other than directly confronting the perpetrator, youth may choose to report the bullying to an authority. Although this strategy avoids confronting the perpetrator, it may still lead to backlash from the bully or other peers. Youth have disclosed being hesitant to report bullying to authorities out of fear of being labeled a “snitch” and subsequently being targeted (Forsberg et al.,
2018). Youth also report believing that disclosing bullying to authorities would signal a lack of autonomy (needing to get an adult involved rather than handling it themselves; Boulton et al.,
2017). In support of these concerns, a recent study found that high levels of reporting bullying to authorities was indeed associated with high levels of victimization over time (Lambe & Craig,
2022). Therefore, individuals who report to authority are expected to experience within-person increases in victimization over time (relative to their usual levels).
Whereas only a few studies have examined the longitudinal associations between defending and victimization, even fewer have examined both temporal directions in the same study (i.e., both defending predicting victimization
and victimization predicting defending; Huitsing et al.,
2014; Lambe & Craig,
2022). Despite being vulnerable themselves, victimized youth may want to defend other victimized peers as they can relate to their distress. Previous research has indeed found positive longitudinal associations between victimization and relative within-person increases in (cognitive) empathy for victimized peers (Trach et al.,
2023), and some evidence has been found that victimized youth who share a bully are more likely to defend each other over time (Huitsing et al.,
2014).
As the potential costs of defending are particularly relevant for vulnerable youth, victimized youth may be likely to choose defending strategies that avoid direct confrontation with the perpetrator, such as comforting the victim and involving an authority. The only study to have examined whether victimization is prospectively associated with different types of defending strategies did find that youth with high levels of victimization engaged in high levels of reporting the bullying, but surprisingly did not find a significant association between victimization and comforting (Lambe & Craig,
2022). Given the dearth of research on this topic, additional research is needed; particularly regarding within-person changes. Victimization is expected to be linked to within-person increases in comforting the victim and reporting the bullying to an authority (relative to their usual levels).
When examining the links between defending and victimization, some studies have used only self-perceived victimization (either using a self-report questionnaire: Lambe & Craig,
2022, or asking participants to report who targets them: Huitsing et al.,
2014), some have used only peer-reported victimization (Meter & Card,
2015), and others have used both self- and peer-reported victimization (Malamut et al.,
2023). Considering multiple informants of victimization experiences is crucial, as distinct profiles (both in terms of behaviors and adjustment) have been found depending on the informant of victimization (e.g., Bouman et al.,
2012). Indeed, the correspondence between self- and peer-reported victimization tends to be relatively small (e.g., Malamut et al.,
2021). Previous research recommends considering both informants as each measure could identify victimized youth that would not be captured by a single informant (e.g., Oldenburg et al.,
2015). Specifically, self-reported victimization can capture victimization that peers may be unaware of, and peer-reported victimization can capture victimization that participants may be hesitant to disclose (Graham & Juvonen,
1998). Thus, in the current study, both self- and peer-reports of victimization are used.
Gender and Grade Level Differences
As exploratory analyses, potential gender and grade level differences will be considered in all models. Although previous studies did not find any gender differences in the link between defending and victimization (Lambe & Craig,
2022), research has found gender differences in the extent to which boys and girls engage in different defending strategies (e.g., Wang et al.,
2023). For example, one study has found that boys were more likely to engage in assertive defending whereas girls were more likely to engage in comforting defending, with no gender differences for reporting to authority (Wang et al.,
2023). In terms of potential grade level differences, previous studies have primarily focused on only early to mid-adolescents (approximately ages 11–16: Lambe & Craig,
2022; Malamut et al.,
2023; Meter & Card,
2015), or only children (approximately ages 8–11: Huitsing et al.,
2014).
Guided by the theoretical model of Prosocial Risk Taking (Do et al.,
2017), adolescents (compared to younger children) may be more likely to adapt their willingness to engage in different types of defending based on their perception of peers’ reactions, as they are particularly sensitive to social evaluation. In addition, bullies tend to be more popular in adolescence than childhood (Pouwels et al.,
2018), which could have implications both for the potential consequences of defending victimized peers, as well as the likelihood of whether victimized youth are willing to defend others. Thus, the current study will examine these questions in youth in grades 4 to 9 (approximately 10–16 years old) and will explore whether the link between different types of defending and victimization differ between primary school students (grades 4–6) and secondary school students (grades 7–9).