General Discussion
The three studies presented focused on non-autistic people’s empathy and social interest towards an autistic person and the role of the disclosure of the diagnosis in these processes. The results of the first study, conducted with students in the humanities/social sciences, indicated a positive effect of autism self-disclosure on accurately rating the emotions of an autistic person according to the way he himself rated them (empathic accuracy). The results of the second study conducted with students in STEM implied a similar trend but with marginal significance and smaller effect sizes. In both studies, there was also an indication for greater self-reported empathy (marginal significance in Study 2). Results of Study 2 indicated another marginal effect on an additional measure of empathy: the participants’ performance in rating the valence of the autistic person’s positive to negative feelings in concordance with the storyteller’s own ratings (continues empathic accuracy). The additional analysis combining both student samples (Studies 1 and 2) provided further insights into these patterns. For empathy, we found that the disclosure of the autism diagnosis impacted three measures: specific emotions empathic accuracy, continuous valence empathic accuracy, and self-reported empathy. There were no significant interactions between disclosure and field of study, indicating that knowing the storyteller was autistic improved empathy similarly for both STEM and non-STEM students, even though the magnitude of this improvement varied.
The pattern for social interest measures revealed a more complex picture. While the disclosure showed a significant positive effect overall, there was also a difference between student groups: non-STEM students showed greater interest than STEM students across conditions, perhaps reflecting their general orientation toward social and interpersonal topics. Moreover, the effect of disclosure on social interest was particularly strong for non-STEM students, suggesting they were especially motivated to connect with the storyteller when they knew he was autistic. These results indicate that while disclosure consistently enhanced empathy regardless of field of study, its effect on social interest was influenced by students’ academic background and potentially their pre-existing interests in social interaction.
The results of Study 3, which involved older, non-student participants already immersed in a workplace, also indicated enhanced empathy towards an autistic person when disclosing his autism compared to when not. Together, these results imply a positive effect of the disclosure of an autism diagnosis by an autistic person on non-autistic observers’ empathy towards them. As some of these effects did not hold after controlling for multiple comparisons, findings should be interpreted cautiously, and replications based on larger samples are needed.
One explanation for the positive impact of self-disclosure on empathy towards the autistic discloser could be increased attention. It could be that when people are presented with the disclosure, they are more attentive, thus performing better in inferring the storyteller’s feelings. The results of Study 3 indeed indicate greater reported listening and effort on the part of the participants in tracking the storyteller’s emotions when knowing he was autistic. However, in Studies 1 and 2, participants who did or did not know that the storyteller was autistic did not differ in self-reporting their listening or effort to empathize, and in all three studies, attributed importance to their performance in empathizing with the storyteller did not differ whether they knew the person was autistic or did not know. Thus, self-reports of the participants’ own experience do not fully support enhanced attention as an explanation for the effect found. Nonetheless, it is possible that enhanced attention occurred, but participants are not always aware of it. Future studies should directly examine this hypothesis, for example, by adding an attention task, questions, or physiological measures.
While social desirability could explain some of our findings, several patterns in our data suggest it cannot fully account for the effects. If results were purely due to social desirability, we would expect to see effects mainly in self-report measures. However, we found improved performance in the behavioral empathic accuracy measure, which would be more difficult to consciously manipulate. Additionally, if social desirability was the main driver, we would expect to see enhanced scores across all self-report measures when autism was disclosed. However, some measures (like attributed importance to performance) showed no differences between conditions across studies. Nevertheless, social desirability likely played some role in our findings, particularly in self-reported measures of social interest, and this may have been especially true for participants studying human behavior (Study 1), who might have felt more pressure to appear accepting of neurodiversity. Future studies using implicit measures could help further disentangle genuine effects from social desirability influences.
Another possible explanation for the higher empathy when knowing that the storyteller was autistic might be an overall effect of disclosing personal information - the disclosure of personal information was found to increase liking of the other for both the discloser and the disclosed (Sprecher et al.,
2013). This hypothesis, again, calls for a future direct examination. It is worth mentioning, though, that the stimulus itself was an autobiographical story, disclosing personal information by the storyteller, and the conditions differed only in the additional statement of autism disclosure. In future studies, it would be interesting to compare the disclosure of autism to that of another piece of information or to use another task.
A fourth, and perhaps the most compelling explanation for the positive effect of autism self-disclosure on empathy towards the discloser might be that knowing that the storyteller is autistic allows the listener to look at them differently. Previous studies have shown that non-autistic individuals struggle with understanding autistic individuals’ facial expressions and body movements (Brewer et al.,
2016; Edey et al.,
2016) and may interpret them as being awkward. However, knowing in advance that the storyteller is autistic might allow listeners to attribute “awkward” expressions to the autism and be more focused on the content and the storyteller’s emotions rather than trying to understand different patterns of communication. Furthermore, previous studies indicated that non-autistic observers’ first impressions of autistic individuals engaging in real-world social behavior were less favorable than those of non-autistic controls (Sasson et al.,
2017) and that first impressions of autistic adults improve with diagnostic disclosure (Sasson & Morrison,
2019). It could be that knowing that a person is autistic mediates or moderates the effect of less favorability of autistic people and that non-autistic observers are less negatively affected implicitly when the target’s autism is disclosed. This means that perhaps the disclosure does not increase empathy towards the autistic discloser but decreases the ‘less favorability effect,’ which interferes with empathizing with an autistic person when their autism is not disclosed.
Interestingly, while the results of Study 2 revealed a similar trend to those of Studies 1 and 3 regarding a positive effect of autism disclosure on empathy, they did not for social interest. Participants in Study 2 did not differ in their reports of how interested they were in hearing another story from the autistic storyteller or in meeting him, depending on whether they did or did not know that the storyteller was autistic. Participants in Study 1 were students studying psychology, education, social work, and other subjects classified under the broad social sciences or humanities categories. It could be that these individuals who chose to study human behaviour were more interested in learning about an autistic person’s experiences than individuals who chose to study STEM. This fits with previous work showing that students of humanities and social sciences score higher on measures of empathy compared to students in STEM (Wakabayashi et al.,
2006; Wheelwright et al.,
2006). It could also be that Study 1’s participants were more prone to social desirability, i.e., they wanted to appear more interested when knowing that the storyteller is autistic, compared with participants in Study 2, or felt that being interested in an autistic person is expected from them based on their studies.
However, the greater social interest in the autistic person was also evident in Study 3, which included a heterogeneous sample from the general population. Importantly, while STEM students were not affected by the self-disclosure statement in expressing social interest in the autistic person, results did not go in the other direction. This points to another possible explanation: It could be that the STEM students attributed less importance to the fact that a person was autistic, i.e., that “was not an issue” for them when it comes to social interest– as knowing this fact did not improve or reduce their social interest in him. In future studies, it will be interesting to examine if STEM students are exposed more than others to autistic people as colleagues or family members or have higher autistic traits themselves and if that is associated with being less affected by knowing that a person is autistic in showing interest in them. The differences between the results of the three studies indicate that the effect of self-disclosure on social interest towards the autistic discloser is complex and depends on the characteristics of the person being disclosed to. Importantly, there was no measure for which self-disclosure resulted in a negative outcome on social interest in the autistic disclosure across the three samples.
Both STEM students in Study 2 and working adults in Study 3 were affected by the disclosure of autism when reporting their willingness to work with the storyteller. This could be explained by the fact that expressing a willingness to work with someone also involves moral and ethical considerations, such as not wanting to demonstrate discrimination towards an autistic person. This echoes previous findings about more favorable ratings of interviewees in job interviews when autism is disclosed (Norris et al.,
2024). Further research should investigate whether this effect replicates in other implicit behavioral measures that do not rely on self-report and if these “non-binding” reports regarding hypothetical situations will translate into actual, “real life” decision-making.
While our findings show improved empathy in response to a single autobiographical story, the translation of this immediate empathic response into lasting behavioral change remains an open question. The gap between hypothetical willingness to work together and actual workplace behavior, or between momentary empathic accuracy and sustained mutual understanding, warrants further investigation. Future research should examine whether these initial empathic responses persist over time and generalize to different contexts and interactions.
The studies reported here have several limitations. First, although the stimulus was based on the lived experience of an autistic person and his natural facial expressions, watching a pre-recorded video may not fully reflect the effect of self-disclosure during live interactions. Future research using live interaction designs would be beneficial in gaining a better understanding of the questions examined. Second, we used a stimulus based on one (verbally and intellectually capable) autistic person. Although we were interested in the effect of self-disclosure on (three samples of) non-autistic participants, further replications based on additional individuals or other stimuli (for example other contents of autobiographical stories) are essential for evaluating the results’ robustness and generalisability. However, at the same time, the use of singular stimuli strengthens the conclusions on the differences between the samples of empathizers (which the current study puts in the center of focus), as they were all exposed to the exact same stimuli. Future studies should incorporate various disclosures/targets of empathy and populations of observers/empathizes in the same design, allowing greater generalizability and an in-depth investigation of the possible interplay between the disclosures’ and the empathizers’ characteristics. This would, of course, require much larger sample sizes. In addition, while our main focus was on empathic accuracy (and self-reported empathy, as a whole), other facets of empathy should be measured in future studies, for example, empathic care and concern.
In future studies, it will also be interesting to have independent raters assess the degree to which storytellers in the stimulus videos exhibit autistic traits, as participants’ perceptions may be affected depending on the degree to which Gricean maxims are violated. It also should be noted that participants across the three studies were either university students or professionals, and it could be that these populations are more accepting of differences than other populations. Importantly, analysis considering whether participants had any previous knowledge about or experience living with autistic people would also be of great value.
Additionally, sample sizes of females and males differed between Studies 1 and 2, and future studies should examine whether patterns differ by sex/gender. The sex ratio was even in Study 3, but the sample size was not large enough to allow the examination of the effects of sex, condition, and the interaction between them, a question worthy of further examination. As the storyteller described a past romantic experience, participants’ responses about meeting the storyteller might have been influenced by their own romantic interest or their interpretation of whether such interest was relevant to the question. However, given that when an impact of disclosure was observed across measures of empathy and social interest, it showed consistent directionality, this potential confound seems less likely - or if it did have an impact, it worked in the same direction as other effects. Future studies should include questions about participants’ sexual orientation and could examine whether self-disclosure affects romantic interest specifically.
Lastly, we relied on participants’ self-reports of being non-autistic. Although it is likely to be uncommon, some participants may have chosen not to disclose their autism or may have been unaware that they are autistic. Future studies could examine these questions by directly measuring autistic traits. Importantly, it will also be interesting to examine how self-disclosure of an autism diagnosis impacts autistic people. Notwithstanding these limitations, the current project provides evidence across three studies that self-disclosure of autism positively affects non-autistic people’s empathy and flags the role of the empathiser’s own characteristics in the complex effect of self-disclosure on social interest towards an autistic person.
The fact that disclosure of the autism diagnosis improved non-autistic participants’ empathic accuracy suggests that some of the mutual misunderstanding described by the double empathy problem theory can be mitigated by awareness of neurotype differences. This raises intriguing questions about the nature of the empathy gap between autistic and non-autistic individuals. If knowledge of neurotype differences can enhance understanding, this suggests that the communication breakdown might be partially addressed through increased awareness and explicit acknowledgment of different communication styles, rather than being solely due to inherent neurological differences. These findings might also have implications for understanding the experiences of late-diagnosed autistic adults; for example, receiving a diagnosis could not only help them understand their own experiences but also facilitate others’ understanding of their emotional expressions. This interpretation, which suggests potential pathways for bridging the empathy gap, should be further explored in future research.
Importantly, someone’s decision to disclose their autism should not solely depend on the effect it might have on the other’s empathy and social interest toward them (Farsinejad et al.,
2022; Grandin,
2004; Romualdez et al.,
2021; Thompson-Hodgetts et al.,
2020). The process of self-disclosing personal information can be gratifying, as it has been found to activate the reward regions of the brain (Tamir & Mitchell,
2012). Self-disclosure might positively impact an autistic person through empowerment or relief, and it was previously found that the effort of camouflaging autistic behaviours has negative effects on the well-being of autistic people (Cook et al.,
2021). On the other hand, self-disclosure could also negatively affect the discloser, for example, by causing anxiety. Indeed, some autistic people advocate for self-disclosure, while others fear it will lead to stigma and rejection (Farsinejad et al.,
2022; Romualdez et al.,
2021; Thompson-Hodgetts et al.,
2020). The individual’s decision of to whom, when, how, and what to disclose might vary for the same person in different contexts (Chaudoir & Fisher,
2010; Greene et al.,
2006). Nevertheless, considering the “double empathy problem” framework, the positive impact that autism disclosure is likely to have, specifically on non-autistic people’s
empathy towards an autistic person, should be taken into account when considering the disclosure of an autism diagnosis in social interactions.