Meta-analyses and multiple individual studies indicate greater reappraisal use is associated with a variety of adaptive psychological outcomes, including lower depression and anxiety symptoms, higher positive affect, and better interpersonal functioning (Aldao et al.,
2010; Gross & John,
2003; Hu et al.,
2014). However, on average, the effects associated with reappraisal use are small (e.g.,
r = − .05 to − 0.17, Aldao et al.,
2010) and several individual studies have found no association between reappraisal use and mental health (e.g., for depression, Arditte and Joormann,
2011; De France et al.,
2019; for PTSD, Khan et al.,
2021). In the COVID-19 context, evidence linking reappraisal and mental health has also been mixed. Some observational studies found greater reappraisal use was associated with decreased pandemic-related mental health impacts (Kuhlman et al.,
2021; Preti et al.,
2021; Tyra, Ginty et al.,
2021; Tyra, Griffin et al.,
2021) and two intervention studies found that reappraisal training was able to reduce stress in parents during the pandemic (Preuss et al.,
2021) and momentary negative affect about COVID-19 in adults across the globe (Wang et al.,
2021). However, other research found evidence for this association was mixed (Low et al.,
2021; Preti et al.,
2021) or that reappraisal use was not associated with psychological outcomes (Dawel et al.,
2021; Dicker et al.,
2022; Tyra, Ginty et al.,
2021; Tyra, Griffin et al.,
2021; Venanzi et al.,
2022).
The clear variation in these findings aligns with recent arguments that no emotion regulation strategy is universally helpful (or harmful), highlighting interactions between person-level and situation-level factors within the context of any given regulation strategy (Doré et al.,
2016; Ford & Troy,
2019; Sahi et al.,
2022). For example, the situation-strategy fit hypothesis suggests that a strategy is likely to be effective only to the extent that it meets the needs of the specific situation (Haines et al.,
2016; Troy et al.,
2013). Supporting this argument, there is considerable evidence that the benefits of reappraisal vary depending on people’s goals, characteristics, and circumstances (e.g., Diefenbach et al.,
2022; Gruber et al.,
2012; McRae, Ciesielski et al.,
2012). In some instances, reappraisal may even have negative outcomes. Many people report feeling worse after unsuccessful attempts at reappraisal, which may occur due to poor reappraisal skills or limited realistic possibilities for reappraising the situation (Ford & Troy,
2019). Therefore, our original finding that reappraisal use was not associated with depression or anxiety (Dawel et al.,
2021) may have been due to the conflation of benefits for some participants with negative effects for others. Moderation analyses have the potential to reveal such opposing effects and to identify the circumstances under which reappraisal use may promote mental health and wellbeing. In addition, it is likely that reappraisal use alone is not sufficient, and that the effectiveness of a person’s reappraisal strategy—how well it achieves its intended emotion regulation goals—also plays an important role.
Potential Moderators
It is clear that the effectiveness of reappraisal as an emotion regulation strategy varies across individual traits and circumstances (Gross & John,
2003; Kuhlman et al.,
2021; Preuss et al.,
2021). Factors likely to moderate the specific association between reappraisal and mental health and wellbeing are those that most strongly impact reappraisal effectiveness. These include an individual’s
reappraisal ability—their ability to effectively use reappraisal to modify their emotional response. Importantly, individual differences in reappraisal ability have been found to correlate with psychological wellbeing (McRae, Ciesielski et al.,
2012) and the quality (e.g., more detailed and plausible alternative ways of thinking about a situation) of individual reappraisals impacts their effectiveness (Southward et al.,
2022). In the current study, our broad hypothesis was that the association between reappraisal and mental health and wellbeing would be strongest at the level of a moderating variable where reappraisal is predicted to be most effective (e.g., a stronger association at high compared to low self-efficacy, or at low compared to high neuroticism). We selected eight individual difference variables available in our dataset that could be expected to influence reappraisal effectiveness. These were self-efficacy, emotion differentiation, difficulty identifying feelings, neuroticism, stress, SES, an inclination for analytic thinking, and age. The rationale developed from the literature for selecting each of these variables is outlined below.
For self-efficacy, Goldin et al. (2012) found that higher self-efficacy for reappraisal use predicted improvement in social anxiety symptoms with cognitive behaviour therapy. This finding suggests that higher self-efficacy may be associated with greater reappraisal effectiveness. Our study did not include a measure of self-efficacy specific to reappraisal. However, we did include a general measure of self-efficacy (Pearlin Mastery scale; Pearlin and Schooler,
1978) and general self-efficacy tends to be related to self-efficacy in specific domains (Luszczynska et al.,
2005). We therefore hypothesized that the association between reappraisal use and mental health and wellbeing would be stronger at higher levels of self-efficacy.
There are also good theoretical and empirical reasons to predict that people’s emotional experiences and abilities will influence reappraisal effectiveness. The affect-as-information theory argues that emotionally skilled people can use their emotions to guide adaptive responses (Schwarz,
1990), which may include an ability to effectively reappraise a situation. Two such skills are the ability to identify feelings clearly and the ability to precisely differentiate between similar emotions. For example, differentiating anger from contempt rather than conflating them into “feeling bad”. More generally, people experiencing intense emotions, such as those with high trait neuroticism or experiencing high stress, may have difficulty reappraising their situation (e.g., because they have fewer cognitive resources available; Sheppes,
2014). For example, Troy et al. (
2010) found reappraisal ability was associated with reduced depression in people with lower but not higher stress levels (but cf. Langer et al.,
2021). We therefore hypothesized that the association between reappraisal and mental health and wellbeing would be stronger at high levels of emotion differentiation and low levels of difficulty identifying feelings, neuroticism, and stress.
SES was also included as a potential moderator as prior research has found greater reappraisal is associated with reduced depression (Troy et al.,
2017) and anxiety (Hittner et al.,
2019) for people with low but not high SES. The underlying theoretical argument is that reappraisal is more helpful in uncontrollable situations that cannot be modified by other means (e.g., problem-solving, Troy et al.,
2013,
2017); low SES is associated with lower control over one’s circumstances (Kraus et al.,
2012). While the COVID-19 pandemic is an uncontrollable event for everyone, those with fewer socioeconomic resources are likely to be most affected. This construct of controllability of one’s external situation differs from self-efficacy, which refers to one’s perceived ability to take effective action to achieve tasks or goals. We therefore hypothesized that the association between reappraisal and mental health and wellbeing would be stronger at lower SES levels, with SES serving as a proxy for controllability.
Another potential moderator we considered is an inclination for analytic thinking. Reappraisal ability is related to general cognitive abilities (McRae, Jacobs et al.,
2012; Mohammed et al.,
2022; Orgeta,
2009; Toh and Yang,
2022; but cf. Gil et al.,
2022) and engages brain regions associated with executive function in the prefrontal cortex, downregulating responses in emotion-associated regions, including the amygdala (Goldin et al.,
2008; Steward et al.,
2021). Thus, we hypothesized the association between reappraisal and mental health and wellbeing would be stronger for people who were more inclined to engage in analytic thinking.
Finally, reappraisal effectiveness may improve with age, potentially due to practice and skill development, as has been observed in adolescents (Decicco et al.,
2012,
2014; McRae et al.,
2012). To our knowledge, only one study has investigated associations between age and reappraisal effectiveness across the adult lifespan, finding no significant differences (Livingstone & Isaacowitz,
2021). Based on the potential for skill development, we predicted the association between reappraisal and mental health and wellbeing would be stronger with increasing age. We analyzed age first as a continuous variable, and then in age terciles because the brain regions involved in executive function, which are critical to reappraisal (Goldin et al.,
2008; Steward et al.,
2021), deteriorate across the last few decades of life (Nyberg et al.,
2010), potentially offsetting learning benefits for reappraisal in older adults (i.e., it was possible reappraisal benefits might only be seen for middle-aged compared to young adults).
Additional Outcome Measures
Dawel et al. (
2021) investigated associations of reappraisal with depression and anxiety. However, these data are from a larger study that includes other measures of potentially relevant psychological outcomes. Namely, wellbeing (WHO-5; Topp et al.,
2015), loneliness (DJGLS; Gierveld & Van Tilburg,
2006), and functional impairment caused by COVID-19 across work and social domains (WSAS; Mundt et al.,
2002). Regarding wellbeing, experimental evidence indicates reappraisal is more effective for increasing positive affect than decreasing negative affect (McRae, Ciesielski et al.,
2012). Gutiérrez-Cobo et al. (
2021) also found reappraisal measured before the pandemic predicted higher engagement in positive activities during COVID-19 lockdowns, which ultimately benefited affective happiness levels. Thus, reappraisal may have promoted positive aspects of psychological wellbeing more strongly than it decreased negative affect and distress during the pandemic. Other recent work has demonstrated a strong association between emotion regulation strategy use (including reappraisal) and loneliness (Preece et al.,
2021). Perceived loneliness is associated with an increased risk of depression, anxiety, suicide, dementia, and premature mortality (Holt-Lunstad et al.,
2015; Leigh-Hunt et al.,
2017), and can impact social and other areas of functioning (Cacioppo & Cacioppo,
2018). Therefore, the development of interventions to reduce loneliness remains a high priority. Finally, we considered whether reappraisal may have helped people cope with impacts related to the pandemic specifically. The COVID-19 pandemic represents an uncontrollable and unexpected event, and it has been argued that reappraisal may be particularly important for regulating emotions in circumstances that are uncontrollable (Troy et al.,
2013,
2017). We therefore predicted that reappraisal would be associated with higher wellbeing and lower levels of loneliness and functional impairment.
Present Study
The present study aimed to elucidate for whom and what reappraisal use is adaptive during times of crisis. We anticipated that, by investigating multiple potential moderators (self-efficacy, emotion differentiation, difficulty identifying feelings, neuroticism, stress, SES, inclination for analytic thinking, age) across a range of psychological outcomes (depression, anxiety, loneliness, functional impairment, wellbeing), we might build a more nuanced framework for personalizing reappraisal interventions. Data are from The Australian National COVID-19 Mental Health, Behaviour and Risk Communication Survey, comprised of seven fortnightly waves of data collection from late March to June 2020, and an eighth follow-up wave in March 2021. Our prospective design controlled for levels of the outcome variables at wave 1, to predict these outcomes at two later time points (wave 7 at three months and wave 8 at 12 months). We opted to analyze outcomes at both these waves because it is important to understand how changes in the effects of interest vary over short and longer periods. We also included gender and age as covariates in our models, except where age was the moderator variable, because both are associated with mental health and wellbeing (gender; Solmi et al.,
2022; Steel et al.,
2014). Although the total evidence suggests emotion regulation strategies are similarly related to psychological outcomes across men and women (Nolen-Hoeksema,
2012), some previous findings indicate there may be gender differences in emotion regulation use (McLaughlin et al.,
2011; Nolen-Hoeksema,
2012; Preston et al.,
2022; Scheibe et al.,
2015; Urry & Gross,
2010), the underlying mechanisms of regulation (McRae et al.,
2008), and moderator effects (Jiang et al.,
2022; Preston et al.,
2022). Table
1 summarizes our hypothesized relationships between reappraisal and the five outcome variables and Table
2 summarizes our hypotheses about how these associations will be moderated. To scaffold readers through the complexity of our results, we also pre-emptively summarize the core findings that map onto each hypothesis in the final columns of Tables
1 and
2.
Table 1
Hypothesized associations between reappraisal and outcome variables
Depression | PHQ-9 | Negative | None |
Anxiety | GAD-7 | Negative | None |
Loneliness | DJGLS | Negative | Negative |
COVID-induced functional impairment | WSAS | Negative | Positive |
Wellbeing | WHO-5 | Positive | Positive |
Table 2
Hypothesized moderation effects
Self-efficacy | Pearlin Mastery Scale | Higher self-efficacy | Lower self-efficacy (wellbeing) |
Emotion differentiation | ICC | Higher emotion differentiation | — |
Difficulty identifying feelings (DIF) | Toronto Alexithymia Scale-DIF subscale | Lower difficulty identifying feelings | Higher difficulty identifying feelings (loneliness, impairment, wellbeing) |
Neuroticism | BFI-10-neuroticism subscale | Lower neuroticism | Higher neuroticism (wellbeing) |
Stress | Mean stress rating | Lower stress | Higher stress (wellbeing, impairment) |
SES | Household income | Lower SES | — |
Analytic thinking | Adapted Cognitive Reflection Task (CRT) | Correct responses (requiring analytic thinking) | Correct responses (loneliness, wellbeing) |
Age (continuous) | Age in years | Older age; OR | Younger age (impairment) |
Age (categorical) | Tercile age groups | In middle-aged vs. young adults | |