Discussion
A link between peer victimization, emotional symptoms, and disability or chronic condition in adolescence is well documented (Bjereld et al.,
2022; Hatton et al.,
2018), but less is known about the role of stable, individual differences compared to temporal, dynamic processes during adolescent development. Knowledge of the role of individual differences, compared to temporal processes, may help understand the causal mechanisms driving the development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms. To address this gap, the present study examined the developmental relations between peer victimization, emotional symptoms, and disability or chronic condition during adolescence using three waves of self-report panel data from Swedish adolescents at ages 13, 15, and 17. A novel contribution of the study is that estimates are provided, at both between- and within-person levels, of relations between peer victimization and emotional symptoms, and their links to disability or chronic condition throughout adolescence. While within-person estimates are more appropriate for studying individuals’ temporal developmental processes, between-person estimates are essential for understanding the role of developmentally stable factors. Generally, girls and adolescents with a disability or chronic condition showed more heterogeneity in the co-development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms, with girls being more prone than boys to developing emotional symptoms following peer victimization, and particularly in early adolescence. Girls and adolescents with a disability or chronic condition had elevated within-person levels of both peer victimization and emotional symptoms throughout adolescence.
The present study had two main research questions. The first concerned adolescents in general, and for them developmentally stable factors played an important role in the co-development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms. Regarding the development of emotional symptoms, stable individual differences account for approximately ‘half the story’. This suggests that greater attention to heterogeneity – that adolescents can be quite different from another – is particularly important regarding the development of emotional symptoms. For peer victimization, between-person factors play a lesser role, meaning that temporal processes may better explain the development of peer victimization than individual differences. Both sex and family affluence have previously been found to have a moderating role on peer victimization and emotional symptoms (Kavanagh et al.,
2017; Smith et al.,
2019), but the current study found that only sex was an important between-person factor. In general, girls showed more heterogeneity in the co-development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms than boys, and were more prone than boys to the temporal negative effects of being victimized, particularly in early adolescence.
These findings also contribute to the literature by offering a within-person account of the temporal, developmental relations between peer victimization and emotional symptoms during adolescence. Within-person estimates show the strength of relations over and above individuals’ expected developmental trajectories, as well as avoid conflating individual differences with temporal developmental processes (Hamaker et al.,
2015). Previous research (e.g., Christina et al.,
2021) supports a bi-directional relation between peer victimization and emotional symptoms in adolescents. The findings partly confirm such research; within-person estimates were found that suggest contemporaneous links at age 13 and age 15. The results, however, extend previous research by suggesting that while no within-person cross-lagged relations were found when grouping both boys and girls together, girls victimized at age 13 had higher levels of emotional symptoms at age 15. This suggests that girls in early adolescence who experience peer victimization may be more likely to develop emotional symptoms that persist two years later over and above pre-existing levels of emotional symptoms. Further, while a contemporaneous link between peer victimization and emotional symptoms disappeared by mid-adolescence for boys, it remained for girls. In international studies, peer victimization tends to peak in early adolescence (Kennedy,
2021) and drops during the later high school period. In Sweden, statutory school ends at age 15 and most adolescents will then start at a new upper secondary/high school (
gymnasium). This transition provides a natural shift in classroom and school composition. This transition occurred between timepoints two and three in the data, which could also be part of the explanation for changes in levels of peer victimization, i.e. victims and perpetrators from the same school-class or school may have ended up at different high schools.
Stability relations at the within-person level – what Mulder & Hamaker (
2021) call within-person carry-over effects – concerning peer victimization were only present in early adolescence (age 13–15). Concerning emotional symptoms, they were only present in later adolescence (age 15–17). These findings generally align with the view that peer victimization is predominantly a phenomenon of early adolescence (Biswas et al.,
2020; Kennedy,
2021), while emotional symptoms tend to increase in late adolescence (Inchley et al.,
2020). The findings, however, show that these patterns also are present at the level of temporal, within-person development, i.e. after accounting for stable, individual differences. This has ramifications for the question of
when in development state versus trait plays a role. For example, the state-wise development of emotional symptoms was present between mid- and late adolescence (with a carry-over estimate of 0.49), suggesting that trait-like factors play a stronger role in early adolescence. Sex differences in stability relations were also found, with only girls showing stability (0.45) in peer victimization between early and mid-adolescence. This suggests that victimized girls have an increased probability of
continuing to be victimized in mid-adolescence, alongside raised levels of emotional symptoms in mid- and late adolescence.
The two-year measurement interval may explain the lack of within-person cross-lagged relations generally – and for boys specifically. It is possible that being victimized led to increased emotional symptoms in the short term, but that such symptoms abated within two years. This presupposes that the period of victimization was also short-lived. However, medium to strong stability relations were found for peer victimization between ages 13 and 15 (for girls and boys), implying that victimization tends to continue, at least for some adolescents, even two years later. This is in line with previous research by, for example Zych et al. (
2020). This suggests that the two-year measurement interval should have been able to capture cross-lagged relations had they existed, at least at a general level. What is perhaps being missed is cross-lagged relations for sub-groups of adolescents. Peer victimization may have ceased by age 15 for some adolescents – and thus any effects on emotional symptoms may also have abated – but for other adolescents, victimization continues for most of high school. Investigating sub-groups who are more chronically victimized may be an important area of future investigation, along with studies that use shorter time lags to assess short-term effects of victimization on emotional symptoms. Boys may also respond to victimization with other behaviors, such as externalizing symptoms.
For the second research question, developmentally stable individual differences (between-person factors) played a greater role for adolescents with a disability or chronic condition than for those without, regarding the link between peer victimization and emotional symptoms. Indeed, the lack of a correlation between the random intercepts for adolescents without a disability or chronic condition suggests that, once disability or chronic condition is taken into account, individual differences are a negligible part of the explanation of the co-development in general adolescents of peer victimization and emotional symptoms. Conversely, stable individual differences are likely to be an important part of the explanation concerning adolescents with a disability or chronic condition. Theoretical explanation of the co-development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms may need to pay closer attention to the role of disability and chronic conditions, but also their heterogenous nature.
The results also extend previous research by showing that while peer victimization decreases and emotional symptoms increase for all adolescents, those with a disability or chronic condition have more negative outcomes throughout adolescence, in terms of elevated levels of both peer victimization and emotional symptoms. Moreover, developmental (within-person) relations between these behaviors during early and mid-adolescence were stronger, compared to adolescents without a disability or chronic condition. The link between having a disability or chronic condition and both peer victimization and emotional symptoms was also strongest at age 13. The link was still present, although weaker, at age 15, which was in contrast to the hypothesis (that once between-person factors were controlled for, the links between disability or chronic condition and peer victimization and emotional symptoms would be similar throughout adolescence due to a presumed stability of the effect of having a disability or chronic condition). However, when analyzed by sex, the link between disability or chronic condition and peer victimization at age 15 was absent for boys but significant for girls (0.18 standardized estimate). Further, the link between disability or chronic condition and emotional symptoms at age 17 was not present for boys but was for girls (0.14 standardized estimate). These findings draw attention to the need to consider the intersection of sex and disability or chronic condition in understanding the co-development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms during adolescence.
For boys and girls, the link between disability or chronic condition and peer victimization had disappeared by age 17. An explanation for this is that peer victimization generally tends to become less common during late adolescence, possibly due to victimizers maturing out of their behavior (Álvarez-García et al.,
2015; Kennedy,
2021). It may also be the case that victims have had either time or maturational distance from the episode of victimization to overcome psychological difficulties. While these results are thus in line with other studies (e.g., Biswas et al.,
2020) that highlight early to mid-adolescence as the key developmental phase in which preventative measures against peer victimization need to be delivered, the findings draw attention to the need for extra or tailored measures for adolescents with a disability or chronic condition who have more negative outcomes concerning the co-development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms.
The present study is also concerned with extending the theoretical, causal account of the co-development of these behaviors, drawing on the empirical analyses. At first sight, peer victimization and emotional symptoms appear to be two different developmental processes, the former starting in early adolescence and decreasing, largely due to temporal factors; the latter increasing throughout adolescence, but due to stable, individual factors in early adolescence equally as much as temporal events in late adolescence. On the one hand, the lack of significant cross-lagged parameters might suggest minimal causal relations within a two-year period, except for girls in early adolescence, even though a number of studies support the link between peer victimization and poorer mental health outcomes (e.g. Gini & Pozzoli,
2009; Modin et al.,
2015). On the other hand, strong within-time correlations – which were stronger for girls and adolescents with a disability or chronic condition – suggest that there may be some causal mechanism at work where being victimized leads to increased emotional symptoms, particularly for girls and adolescents with a disability or chronic condition. An explanation might lie in a ‘cumulative adversity mechanism’ (see Hatton et al.,
2018), in that girls who may be exhibiting pre-existing emotional symptoms, or adolescents with a disability or chronic condition, are more likely to become targets for peer victimizers. The cumulative effect of peer victimization on already existing difficulties may have an amplification effect on emotional symptoms. Further work may wish to explore these suppositions.
Drawing on a resilience resource systems perspective (Ungar,
2011,
2018), part of the explanation may also reside in that ordinary socio-ecological resources that victimized adolescents could access to seek support are not sufficiently set up for or responsive to girls and adolescents with a disability or chronic condition. For example, a common protective effect (against victimization) for adolescents in general, but also specifically for those with a disability or chronic condition, is having a positive relationship with teachers (Blum et al.,
2001; Bjereld et al.,
2022). Adolescents with a disability or chronic condition, however, may face additional barriers to accessing and forming such relationships (Hwang et al.,
2015; Willis & Granlund,
2020). Future research could further explore whether the quality of potentially protective relationships is different for adolescents with a disability or chronic condition, and whether access to, and quality of, protective relationships moderates the co-development of peer victimization and emotional symptoms. This knowledge could be also useful both in anti-bullying practice, e.g., in schools, and in promoting mental well-being in adolescents, which may need be flexible and differentiated to be sensitive to greater heterogeneity in individual differences, especially for girls. In particular, anti-bullying policy and practice may benefit from specifically addressing measures to support victimized girls in early adolescence, as well as adolescents with a disability or chronic condition generally.
Although the current study presents novel findings, some potential limitations should be acknowledged. The final study sample is presumed to be representative of the wider population from which it was drawn, in that it did not significantly differ from the total population in terms of sex, school absence, or school grades. It was not possible, however, to check for differences between the study sample and the total population concerning the behaviors under study. It was also not possible to check for differences between the two panels or between the final sample and those excluded because of only one completed questionnaire. Such differences are, however, deemed to have minimal impact on the results. Further, although missing data analysis suggested that the data was MAR, except for sex at t3 (age 17) and marginally lower baseline levels of peer victimization in those retained in the study (though this was not statistically significant), other unexamined factors may be affecting the data. The effect of fewer boys participating at t3 was addressed by running separate models by sex. The marginally lower baseline levels of peer victimization in those retained in the study were not statistically significant and deemed of negligible influence on the results.
The results are in the context of Sweden as a high-income country with a developed welfare state (Lindbom,
2001) and low prevalence rates of peer victimization, in comparison to other high-income western countries (Bjereld et al.,
2015; Craig et al.,
2009; Due & Holstein,
2008; Molcho et al.,
2009). Countries with higher prevalence levels of peer victimization, or with different welfare states may find different strengths of estimates in relation to emotional symptoms and/or disability or chronic condition.
Some measurement and analytical issues should also be noted. Researching peer victimization is fraught with measurement issues (Volk et al.,
2017) with individual items often having low validity (Bjereld et al.,
2020). In the current study, the measure used only four items and although these captured several specific victimizing behaviors, there is a risk of underreporting as the items did not capture all forms of peer victimization. An item was included regarding cyber-victimization to capture online forms of victimization. Thus, some caution should be used when comparing the findings of the current study to other studies that do not have this item as part of the measure.
The self-report nature of the data may imply that the results stem from the adolescent’s subjective viewpoint. While subjective feelings are an important source, future studies could consider using multiple perspectives (see Casper et al.,
2015). The measure of family affluence was subjective and relative (to perceptions of other families’ affluence). It may be a tall order to ask 13-year-olds to make such comparisons accurately. While the findings of the current study suggest that the main model was invariant by family affluence, further study with different measures of family income or parental social economic status would be of benefit.
Some studies define disability using diagnoses or create categories of disability by somatic or psychological symptoms. The current study opted not to do this because both somatic and psychological symptoms can be co-occurring, but also because a focus on adolescents in general with disabilities or chronic conditions was desired. Instead, a self-rated measure of functional difficulty experienced as a result of the disability or chronic condition was used. Theoretically, and from a child-centered perspective, perceived levels of difficulty arising from the disability or chronic condition are likely to provide a level of similarity concerning negative attention from peers. It is hoped that this is a valuable contribution to studying adolescents with disability or chronic condition. Further research may need to increase sample size and statistical power to study sub-categories of disability or chronic condition and their relations to the development of multiple behaviors.
The modeling process may have been affected to a degree by the skew in the peer victimization measure. The use of robust estimators goes someway to reducing bias in parameter estimates, but future studies should look at ways of capturing more variance in peer victimization to allow different modeling techniques.