Study 2 Discussion
In Study 2, we built on the meditation teachers’ perspectives observed in Study 1 by surveying a cohort of 318 meditation practitioners about their meditation practice and their engagement with online meditation communities during the COVID-19 pandemic. Through thematic coding and clustering of qualitative responses, we characterized practitioners’ perceptions of the online meditation programs they engaged in, and examined how individual differences were associated with the strengths and limitations they reported.
On average, participants indicated that pandemic-related changes had a positive impact on their overall meditation practice—commonly reporting more frequent and regular practice. When describing the online meditation classes and retreats they had participated in, practitioners more frequently shared aspects that they liked rather than disliked. Among the most commonly reported strengths were accessibility and convenience, including access to a greater diversity of teachers and meditation communities, the comfort of practicing from home, not having to commute, and affordability. Practitioners also appreciated the sense of community and social support engendered by online formats, and to a lesser extent the structure and consistency they provided. However, many participants also missed connecting with others in person, and reported experiencing technological issues and more frequent distractions.
It is notable that themes of social connection and community, or a lack thereof, were among the most commonly reported likes and dislikes about online meditation programs. This lends support to the idea that social connection and community are critical components of meditation gatherings for many practitioners. This is consistent with a qualitative study of online learning experiences in which university students reported themes of community and social support as factors central to their success and engagement (Farrell & Brunton,
2020). Together, these findings affirm that it is possible to foster social connection in online spaces. Yet, some research suggests that there may be unique benefits to in-person interactions that are not easily replicated in online environments. For example, a longitudinal study comparing online and face-to-face interactions during the early stages of the pandemic found that although online interactions were supportive of well-being, they were not as effective as in-person interactions for reducing psychological distress (Marinucci et al.,
2022). Another study conducted in the Spring of 2020 found that the elements of face-to-face interactions that people missed most were spontaneous interactions, physical closeness, and independence from technology (Gruber et al.,
2022). As such, it will be useful for future research to continue to characterize and weigh the unique benefits of in-person and online meditation programs.
Although we did not collect detailed information about the online meditation programs our practitioners engaged in, we do know that many of them participated in large gatherings with strangers and acquaintances from around the world, which may have contributed to their feelings of disconnection. This idea is supported by evidence that spending a greater amount of time online interacting with weaker or more distant social ties was related to reduced feelings of social connection during the early phase of the pandemic (Tibbetts et al.,
2021). Another factor that may have contributed to feelings of disconnection was the frequency of distractions during online experiences. These interruptions likely reduced the immersiveness of the online experiences, making it more difficult to connect with others as compared to similar sessions held in designated physical spaces.
We also assessed whether practitioners’ online meditation experiences were associated with any individual differences. We found that age significantly predicted both likes and dislikes. When we examined the theme codes that contributed most to these associations, we found that younger individuals were more likely to report enjoying the accessibility and convenience of the online experience, as well as the comfort and safety of being able to practice from home. This appreciation for the ease of access may stem from the fact that the younger people in our study likely had more work and family obligations than the older individuals who were mostly retired. However, younger individuals were also more likely to report distractions and feeling a lack of community, suggesting that in-person interaction may be more important for younger people to feel a sense of community. This is consistent with research demonstrating that young people with low in-person interaction and high social media use report the greatest levels of loneliness (Twenge et al.,
2019).
By contrast, older practitioners were more likely to appreciate the sense of community afforded by the online spaces. They were also more likely to name specific features of the mediation sessions that they liked, and to report “no dislikes.” One possible explanation for these findings is that older adults may have felt more isolated during the pandemic, which could have led them to seek out community and to benefit more from online gatherings. They may also have more prior experience maintaining a sense of community and connection with friends and family who have become geographically distributed throughout their lifetime. In line with these interpretations, previous studies have found that adopting new technologies to communicate can benefit older individuals who no longer physically live near their social connections (Winstead et al.,
2013), and that older adults experience a higher quality of life when they make use of digital communication methods (Francis et al.,
2019). Interestingly, one study that interviewed older adults about their technology use during the pandemic found that those who had more active social lives before the pandemic were more likely to take up new technology to stay connected during the pandemic (Sin et al.,
2021). Thus, it may have been the older adults’ existing sense of social connection with their meditation communities that motivated them to take part in online programs during the pandemic. Nevertheless, older practitioners in our study were more likely to report technological issues—suggesting that this is an area where facilitators should be prepared to provide additional support when needed.
Practitioners’ sexual orientation and gender were also associated with the themes they reported. LGBQA individuals were more likely than heterosexuals to report liking the logistics, accessibility, and convenience of the online experience. One possibility is that the online formats may have made it easier for LGBQA people to access preferred or identity-specific communities that would otherwise be geographically unreachable or difficult to attend in person. However, gender expansive (e.g., nonbinary, transgender) individuals were more likely than cisgender men or women to report a lack of community in online meditation spaces. Since gender expansive individuals may be more likely to experience discrimination than their cisgender LGBQA peers (Su et al.,
2016), this may have explicitly or implicitly impacted their experience of cohesiveness within online meditation gatherings. For gender expansive participants who also identify as LGBQA, minority stress models (Meyer,
1995) and the concept of intersectionality (Crenshaw,
1989) may help to explain how stigma or stress may be compounded in contributing to feeling a lack of community. Still, it is important to note that not all gender expansive individuals consider themselves part of the sexual minority community, so although these two groups often overlap, they are not synonymous. Future research is needed to investigate why gender expansive people may be more likely to experience a lack of community, and how to foster communities that feel more inclusive to them.
Finally, using non-hierarchical clustering techniques, we examined how practitioners’ likes and dislikes of online formats were related to aspects of their ongoing meditation practice. We found that meditators in our study could be categorized into two clusters according to their recent meditation experience. The majority of practitioners fell into Cluster 1 (
n = 204), which was characterized by practicing more frequently both before and after the onset of the pandemic, experiencing pandemic-related improvements in their practice, engaging in more group practice, and practicing more diligently. Practitioners in Cluster 2 (
n = 111) reported that their practice was more hindered by pandemic-related changes and reported less frequent and less diligent meditation practice. This clustering significantly predicted what practitioners disliked about their online experience, with practitioners in Cluster 2 more likely to report screen fatigue and that the online experience involved less accountability and commitment. It is likely that individuals in Cluster 2 already felt overwhelmed by their online commitments, leading to more screen fatigue and dissatisfaction with the online meditation options available, which, in turn, may have contributed to their lower practice rates. These findings are consistent with a recent study that reported that novice meditators who found engaging in online mindfulness practices more effortful or boring were more likely to discontinue their practice (Osin & Turilina,
2022). These findings may also help to explain the significant variability in adherence rates observed in online mindfulness interventions (Sommers-Spijkerman et al.,
2021).
We found no relationships between practitioners’ likes and dislikes of online formats and their ethnicity or levels of education or income; however, the breadth of representation across demographic categories in our study was limited, which likely limited our ability to detect these relationships. Contrary to our predictions, we also found no significant associations between participant’s likes and dislikes and major personality traits. While there is no prior literature on personality in online meditation spaces, the lack of associations observed here stands in contrast to findings from other educational settings, which suggest that agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness to experience predict better performance in online learning settings (Abe,
2020; Schniederjans & Kim,
2005; Yu,
2021).
There are several important strengths and limitations to this study. Strengths include the substantive sample size consisting of meditation practitioners with a wide variety of practice backgrounds. Our mixed-methods approach also provides a well-rounded and nuanced investigation. However, we did not consider populations for whom online meditation formats are inaccessible or less accessible, and what barriers prevent access for those populations. Many of our participants were recruited through large digital platforms or existing meditation listservs, meetings, and online spaces. As a result, we may have an underrepresentation of practitioners who were not already engaging with meditation communities online, or who engage less with social media more generally. Access to technology may have also been a factor that influenced who was in our sample. For example, it is possible that in households where one computer is shared by multiple people, the need to reserve the computer for critical tasks like work and school may make it difficult to engage in other online activities. There are also differences in access to technology across racial and ethnic groups, and across living communities, with rural areas having more barriers to technology access (Lai & Widmar,
2021; Ogundari,
2023). While using a smartphone may be a viable alternative for individuals who do not have a personal computer with internet, it can be challenging to navigate the mobile versions of survey software and live meeting applications, especially for larger online gatherings. Additionally, this study is limited in that all of the data are self-reported, and we collected minimal information about the types of meditation programs the participants were engaging in. The generalizability of our findings is also limited given that the data were collected during the unique context of the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, and we used non-probability sampling, so our cohort may not accurately represent the wider population of adult meditation practitioners in the USA. Moreover, 74% of participants in our study identified as women and 99% had some amount of college education, which restricts the generalizability of our findings to the broader US population. Despite our efforts to recruit a national sample, our recruitment strategy also resulted in a high proportion of California-based participants (39%). Replicating this study with a more gender, geographically, and educationally diverse sample may lead to different results.
Finally, as highlighted by numerous scholars (e.g., Kam et al.,
2024; Nind,
2017; Weng et al.,
2020), there is much to be learned from the process of pausing and pivoting our study to seek guidance on inclusivity, to expand the diversity of the sample, and to update the research tools to make them more accessible and inclusive. One lesson is that it is possible to adjust and reevaluate recruitment strategies, even after a study has begun, to find ways to reach a more inclusive sample. We assert that such pausing has a rightful place in contemplative research; that researchers can and should pause to consider changes they can make to enhance inclusivity in order to include more BIPOC (i.e., Global Majority) persons and others who tend to be underrepresented in research. Furthermore, we learned that collaborating with scholars who specialize in helping researchers augment inclusivity and reduce bias at every stage and in every tool of research is a valuable way to enrich both the processes and products of research.