Adolescence is a time of transition, and has often been considered a particularly tumultuous period accompanied by large increases in stress related to drastic behavioral, social and biological changes (Dahl & Forbes,
2010). Throughout late childhood and early adolescence, individuals exhibit a transition in the timing and alignment of their sleep and wake patterns (i.e., circadian rhythms) in relation to the 24-h light/dark schedule (i.e., chronotype; Adan et al.,
2012; Randler,
2011). On average, children show sleep/wake patterns such that they fall asleep early in the night, and also wake up early (i.e., morning preference; Roenneberg et al.,
2004). During late childhood and adolescence, this pattern transitions such that the individual is more likely to fall asleep and wake
later (i.e., evening preference; Roenneberg et al.,
2004). As an individual ages, the overall alignment of their sleep/wake cycle to the light/dark schedule transitions back to rising early and going to sleep early. The shift from a morning to evening preference during adolescence is theorized to occur along with the development of puberty (Roenneberg & Merrow,
2007; Roenneberg et al.,
2004). Post-pubertal youth have been shown to exhibit a later alignment (i.e., evening preference) when compared to peers who had not yet completed pubertal development (Haraden et al.,
2017).
Although existing work has established the importance of individual differences in overall preference for morningness/eveningness in predicting mental health outcomes, less work has examined individual differences in the timing of the developmental transition of chronotype during adolescence – that is, when the shift from morningness to eveningness occurs relative to one’s peers. The current project aimed to (1) explore the timing of chronotype development during late childhood and early adolescence, and (2) examine the role of chronotypal timing in conferring risk for depression.
Chronotype – Circadian Rhythms
The world operates within a series of rhythms. From the 24-h period of light and dark, the menstrual cycle, to the four seasons, these rhythms exist within both biological and social contexts (Albrecht,
2012; Hlastala & Frank,
2006). Individuals experience an internal biological rhythm that closely follows the 24-h schedule of light and dark periods from day to day. However, genetic variations result in variability in how close/disparate an individual’s internal circadian rhythm is aligned to the typical daily light/dark schedule. The internal human circadian rhythm, when allowed to “free-run” (i.e., under conditions of isolation and constant light), operates on a cycle that is slightly longer than the 24-h day (approximately 24 h and 11 min ± 16 min; (Czeisler,
1999). This results in a continuous synchronization (entrainment) that must take place in order to align these rhythms as closely as possible. The internal circadian rhythm is entrained to the external light/dark cycle through environmental cues (“zeitgebers”; translates to “time giver”). Zeitgebers are consistent markers that exist within the individual’s environment such as timing of light exposure, meal times and even common periods of social interaction. The strongest zeitgeber (the highest efficiency of entrainment) for humans is light/dark exposure, and the variability in the timing of these zeitgebers results in an overall circadian preference/timing of sleep and wakefulness to the light/dark schedule (i.e., chronotype; Aschoff,
1967; Roenneberg et al.,
2019).
Chronotype is organized on a continuum with the extremes being a morning preference (“morning lark”) and evening preference (“night owl”; Adan et al.,
2012). An individual who has a preference for morning would tend to go to bed and rise early, whereas an individual who has a preference for evening would tend to go to bed and rise late, with most individuals falling somewhere in between these extreme tendencies. Individual differences in chronotype relate to individual differences in diverse facets of mood and behavior (for overview, see Chauhan et al.,
2023). For example, individuals with an evening type are most productive and alert during the later parts of the day, while individuals with a morning type are most productive and alert in the earlier part of the day (Adan et al.,
2012; Freeman & Hovland,
1934). Developmental models highlight that mean-level change in chronotype is observed across the human lifespan (Merikanto et al.,
2012; Roenneberg & Merrow,
2007). Children (e.g., pre-pubertal) exhibit a greater preference for morning (rising early and going to bed early). During adolescence, these preferences normatively change such that youth demonstrate increasing preferences toward evening, beginning to rise and go to bed later. Across adulthood and older adulthood, individuals slowly transition back toward a morning preference, waking earlier and going to bed earlier (Roenneberg et al.,
2004). The developmental shift in chronotype during adolescence appears to align with pubertal development/hormonal changes (Hagenauer & Lee,
2012; Morssinkhof et al.,
2024) and may differ across genders, with some studies finding no difference in gender and others identifying female participants having more of an evening preference (Carskadon,
2011; Carskadon et al.,
1993; Crowley et al.,
2018; Fischer et al.,
2017; Roenneberg et al.,
2004). As such, there is a large amount of between-persons variability in youth’s chronotype within any given age group.
Individual differences arise among chronotype due to variations in the way in which the internal rhythms (i.e., body temperature and hormone secretion) becomes aligned with the external 24-h light/dark schedule (Taylor & Hasler,
2018). Variability in chronotype is present and can be related to the youth’s sex, personality, as well as environmental factors such as season of birth and the current latitude and longitude of the individual (Chauhan et al.,
2023; Natale et al.,
2009; Randler,
2008,
2011; Randler et al.,
2015). This entrainment between internal and external clocks/rhythms impacts individuals’ ability to effectively navigate the world. For example, adolescents are predisposed to have an evening preference, but societal expectancies require early rising to engage with school. Therefore, youth often have a discrepancy between their internal/biological preference for sleep timing and the timing of the activities in their life (Roenneberg et al.,
2019). Such a discrepancy can result in an accumulation of sleep debt throughout the week, and the need to “catch-up” on sleep during the weekend or “free days” (days with no social obligations). This phenomenon is known as “social jet lag” and is a measure to reflect circadian rhythm disruption (Wittmann et al.,
2006).
Social jet lag commonly impacts shift workers and especially children and adolescence attending a traditional school setting. Disruptions in circadian rhythms have been shown to have negative effects on both physical and mental health, particularly feelings of loneliness and decreased satisfaction (Lyall et al.,
2018; Taylor & Hasler,
2018). An individual may be experiencing social jet lag, which is normative during adolescence, but may have an earlier or later chronotype in comparison to their same-aged peers. This provides an additional layer of desynchrony between biological (internal circadian rhythms), societal (school timing) and social (earlier/later chronotype compared to same aged peers) rhythms that may result in greater impacts to mental health.
Although there is work establishing the shift in chronotype from morning to evening preference across the adolescent transition, there is limited understanding surrounding the timing at which youth begin this normative developmental process. It may be the case that there are large amounts of variability within the overall timing of this transition, similar to puberty, another socially-salient, biologically-based developmental process. Identifying youth who are advanced or lagging in their shift in chronotypal development may yield important insights into risk for psychopathology. Yet, individual differences in chronotypal timing and their association with psychopathology have not yet been investigated.
Chronotypal
timing refers to the individual differences that arise in the timing of the transition in chronotype during adolescence. Although previous literature has examined individual differences in chronotype as they relate to psychopathology (see Walker et al.,
2021), finding that individuals who hold an evening preference are at greater risk for psychopathology (Alvaro et al.,
2017; Haraden et al.,
2017; Urbán et al.,
2011), to our knowledge, no studies have investigated associations between psychopathology and chronotypal timing. As it is currently studied, chronotype is often operationalized as a static score indicating where an individual falls on the continuum between morningness and eveningness, which, while informative, neglects to acknowledge the role of additional developmental and societal factors associated with the chronotypal transition as they relate to youth outcomes (Chauhan et al.,
2023). That is, this operationalization of chronotype fails to account for whether an individual’s chronotype is at an expected level given that individual’s age, which would be expected to have important implications for youth adjustment and adaptation. Chronotypal development can be classified as “on time” when it falls close to the average relationship between chronotype and age (i.e., expected development). This reflects that an individual’s chronotype is developing in a similar way to their same-aged peers. Deviations from this expected developmental trajectory indicates “off time” chronotypal development, such that youth are “delayed” or “advanced” in their chronotype. A delayed (or negative) chronotypal timing would characterize an individual who is experiencing more of a morning preference compared to their same aged peers, whereas an advanced (or positive) chronotypal timing would reflect an individual with a greater evening preference compared to their similarly aged peers.
In a recent review, Chauhan and colleagues (
2023) posited a multidimensional model to better characterize the construct of chronotype in a holistic manner, by taking into account individual, environmental and social factors. The authors criticized the current measurement of chronotype (i.e., using the Morningness-Eveningness Questionnaire (MEQ; Horne & Ostberg,
1976)or the Munich-Chronotype Questionnaire (MCTQ; Roenneberg et al.,
2003)) due to their suboptimal psychometric properties, inconsistent scoring methods and cutoffs, as well as reliance on the existence of a structured and traditional work/school week and weekend (Chauhan et al.,
2023). In addition, Chauhan et al. (
2023) highlighted that these scales fail to take into account the impact of demographic and socio-cultural aspects when examining chronotype. The authors identify the importance of these factors and suggest that future research should take these into account when seeking to further understand chronotype. The current investigation may be one of the first step in the direction in contextualizing chronotypal development in terms of co-occurring social developmental processes, as represented by age.
Importance of Developmental Timings
Accounting for timing into developmental/biological processes has been emphasized in a number of different research traditions, which collectively suggest that the
timing of an event/risk, in addition to mean-level differences, has differential impacts on well-being (e.g., adversity/stress timing and psychopathology; Gunnar et al.,
2009; Koss & Gunnar,
2018; Pearson et al.,
2015; van den Bos & Westenberg,
2015). In considering developmental windows of particularly heightened susceptibility to environmental inputs, puberty has been identified as a particularly sensitive period as it is a defining process in an individual’s lifetime, as it indicates the transition into adulthood as well as the ability to reproduce (Ellison et al.,
2012). The pubertal developmental process within humans is accompanied by changes not only in physical maturation, but also alterations in the social landscape youth inhabit and their capacity for advanced cognitive processes. This period is characterized by ongoing development of brain structure (Lenroot & Giedd,
2010), brain function (Somerville et al.,
2010), cognitive capacity/executive function (Luna et al.,
2010) as well as sleep (Carskadon,
2011; Feinberg & Campbell,
2010) and circadian rhythms (Carskadon et al.,
1993; Roenneberg et al.,
2004).
Pubertal development as a process has high levels of variability, and research has continued to develop in order to capture these individual differences. The most common and well-documented approach is to examine
pubertal timing (Susman & Dorn,
2009). Youth who experience early pubertal timing are physically maturing
earlier than their same aged peers, whereas youth who are “late”, tend to physically mature at a later age. There has been a historical narrative and theory (“gendered deviation hypothesis”; (Brooks-Gunn et al.,
1994; Ge et al.,
2006) that
early pubertal timing for girls, and
late pubertal timing for boys, puts youth at risk for psychopathology and impacts their overall well-being. Additional theories and empirical studies have promoted the “maturational disparity hypothesis” which suggests that any type of deviation (early or late pubertal timing) for youth is a vulnerability as it places them in difficult social and physical situations with their peers (Petersen et al.,
1988). Research has focused on the changes that occur during the pubertal transition, which include psychosocial factors such as the role of physical maturation in the context of a larger social community (Carter et al.,
2011; Hamlat et al.,
2020; Hoyt et al.,
2020; Klopack et al.,
2020; Seaton & Carter,
2018). Therefore, it is important to continue to explore this developmental time period within the larger context of other social and biological changes as it appears that there is a commonality in which deviation from the
expected process enhances the likelihood of experiencing psychological distress.
Together, this body of work clearly highlights the importance of focusing on the timing of key developmental processes, in addition to mean-level differences in the staging of these processes. As a similarly critical developmental process rooted in biology and contextualized in light of the rich social ecologies in which youth are embedded, the timing of the chronotypal transition merits similar attention. The “social zeitgeber theory” aims to capture the integration between various rhythms and purports that disruptions to mood are a result of an instability among the physical and social rhythms for an individual (Ehlers,
1988). Therefore, when youth experience a change in their physical rhythm (i.e., shift in chronotype) that may be discrepant to their social rhythm (i.e., similarly aged peers’ social ecosystem), they may be at risk for psychopathology, specifically mood disorders. Following from the social rhythms theory (Ehlers,
1988), it may be hypothesized that having a delayed preference (greater morning preference compared to peers), may result in youth being less likely to engage with peers socially during normative times (later in the evening) due to low levels of alertness and a greater likelihood of being asleep. This may lead to greater social isolation, interpersonal stress, hopelessness and symptoms of depression. On the other hand, having an advanced preference (greater evening preference compared to peers), may allow the youth more time for rumination during the evening hours after social interactions likely occur, or encourage the youth to affiliate with peer groups that are older and more likely to be engaging in risky behaviors. This may also lead to increases in interpersonal stress, parental conflict, social jetlag and symptoms of depression. Overall, deviations from the expected developmental transition of chronotype may predispose youth to risk via the harmful impact of asynchronous social and biological rhythms on mental health problems.
Current Study
The current study sought to examine the emergence of individual differences in the development of chronotype during adolescence (i.e., chronotypal timing), and the associations between individual differences in chronotypal timing and symptoms of depression.