Young adults are at increased susceptibility to the onset of mental health disorders, with the prevalence of anxiety-related, depression-related and substance-use related disorders, ranked among the top 20 disabilities experienced within this age group worldwide (Gustavson et al.,
2018; Kieling et al.,
2024). The onset of these mental health disorders can have detrimental impacts at both an individual and societal level, linked to issues such as increased risk of future mental health disorders, chronic unemployment, incarceration, homelessness, and suicide (Catalano & Kellogg,
2020). Research has repeatedly shown adversity as a key antecedent factor to the onset of emotional difficulties and subsequent mental health problems (Juwariah et al.,
2022) and unfortunately exposure to adverse experiences is common, occurring throughout the human lifespan (Rosenman & Rodgers,
2004). Yet, there are large individual differences in the degree to which individuals emotionally recover following such exposure (Bonanno,
2004). This individual difference dimension is characterised by a key construct referred to as emotional resilience.
Emotional resilience has been conceptualised in many different ways; however almost all conceptualisations reference two main components. The first is exposure to adversity and the second is demonstration of some form of positive emotional adaptation following such exposure (Kalisch et al.,
2017; Southwick et al.,
2014). Whilst research on emotional resilience has increased, progress in understanding the cognitive mechanisms which contribute to individual differences in this construct has been lacking, mainly due to this lack of conceptual clarity resulting in large disparities in its operational definition across studies (Bonanno et al.,
2015; Hiebel et al.,
2021; Kalisch et al.,
2015; Luthar et al.,
2000). Despite these inconsistencies, studies have outlined the utility of further understanding this construct, with findings that young adults demonstrating high levels of emotional resilience, even when measured to reflect various conceptualisations, were consistently shown to have better mental, physical and occupational outcomes (Kong et al.,
2015) including lower levels of psychological distress (Haddadi & Ali Besharat,
2010), better physical health (Nath & Pradhan,
2012) and increased likelihood of being in employment, education or training despite adversity exposure and other risk factors (Cahill et al.,
2022). We will begin this section by first providing an overview of the distinct conceptualisations of emotional resilience commonly adopted in the literature and its measurement, followed by an overview of theoretical frameworks and experimental findings supporting the role of emotion regulation as a potential cognitive mechanism underpinning individual differences in this construct.
Conceptualisations of Emotional Resilience
Research conducted on emotional resilience has typically either conceptualised the construct as a trait or as an outcome of a dynamic process which is reflected in the different approaches to its measurement. First, earlier conceptualisations in the literature have defined emotional resilience as a stable trait or disposition that promotes positive adaptation against the negative emotional impacts of experiencing adverse events (Block & Kremen,
1996; Connor & Davidson,
2003). Research designs following this trait-based conceptualisation often use self-report measures to examine resilience, whereby scales with the best psychometric ratings included items typically focused on the measurement of protective factors thought to contribute to recovery from adversity (e.g., personal competence, acceptance, social support) or on one’s ability to ‘bounce back’ from stress (Windle et al.,
2011). However, many theorists have criticised this conceptualisation and the way that it has been measured. Firstly, the static nature of trait-based conceptualisations limits the possibility that emotional resilience may vary moment-to-moment, across situations and further develop throughout the life span (Cahill et al.,
2022; Rutter,
2012). Secondly, there appears to be a lack of ‘gold standard’ across the use of self-report measures raising concerns on the extent to which these scales are indeed measuring the true intended construct (Kalisch et al.,
2017; Windle et al.,
2011). Specifically, despite exposure to adversity being a core component to the conceptualisation of emotional resilience, many self-report scales do not adequately account for the variation in levels of adversity an individual may have experienced. Thus, it has been increasingly argued that these scales may be more reflective of one’s perception of their own resilience as opposed to a measure of the true intended construct (Britt et al.,
2021; Notebaert et al.,
2024).
To account for these concerns, an emerging consensus within the literature have begun to conceptualise emotional resilience as an outcome that is achieved through a dynamic process involving successful adaptation to adversity that is dependent on one’s context and resources rather than being a fixed attribute (Cicchetti & Blender,
2006; Kalisch et al.,
2021; Rutter,
2012). Accordingly, this perspective has operationalised emotional resilience as the demonstration of more positive emotional outcomes than what is to be expected relative to the adversity experienced (Kalisch et al.,
2021; Parsons et al.,
2016).
Research designs following this operationalisation have indexed emotional resilience through a well-validated statistical approach, known as the residual approach (Booth et al.,
2022; Cahill et al.,
2022; Höltge & Ungar,
2022). This approach involves regressing a measure of emotional outcome onto a measure of experienced adversity and saving the residual scores as a proxy for each individual’s level of emotional resilience. These scores represent how much better or worse an individual has emotionally recovered relative to what would be predicted based on the adversity experienced. As positive emotional outcomes can manifest across various ways following experiences of adversity, this approach assumes a significant relationship between adversity type and post-adversity emotional outcome (Cahill et al.,
2022). Specifically, according to a conceptual framework proposed by Kalisch et al. (
2015), the selected measure must be sensitive to the expected changes in emotional outcomes for the type of adversity assessed within the given sample (see also Kalisch et al.,
2021). For example, in line with this framework, researchers have indexed this outcome-based operationalisation in a sample of young adults by defining positive emotional outcomes as the absence of emotional difficulties following experiences of negative life events (Notebaert et al.,
2024).
Moreover, in recognition of its dynamic nature, theorists have emphasised distinguishing between operationally defining emotional resilience as a distal outcome arising from positive emotional adaptation to multiple adversities over time (as per the residual approach), and emotional resilience as a proximal outcome following a single incident of acute stressor exposure (Bonanno & Diminich,
2013). For example, while transient perturbations in emotional functioning are expected during and immediately following an isolated event, individuals demonstrating high levels of emotional resilience demonstrate minimal to no lasting effects (Bonanno et al.,
2015; Degering et al.,
2023). Despite this recognition, research examining individual differences based on this operationalisation is lacking. Current literature has typically operationalised the construct in one particular way, either as a perceived trait via self-report scales or as an outcome of a process via the residual approach. This narrow approach limits the ability to compare candidate mechanisms across studies and across the different ways emotional resilience may be manifested (Luthar & Cicchetti,
2000; Luthar et al.,
2000). Thus, to build a more comprehensive understanding of the cognitive factors underpinning individual differences in emotional resilience, future research must engage with and systematically compare these distinct operationalisations.
Emotion Regulation as a Candidate Cognitive Mechanism
The cognitive process of emotion regulation has been proposed as one candidate mechanism underpinning why some individuals show more emotional resilience than others (Troy & Mauss,
2011). Emotion regulation is conceptualised as processes through which individuals modulate their emotions in response to environmental demands by deploying regulatory strategies to either modify the type of, or magnitude of, their emotional experience or of the emotion-eliciting event itself (Aldao et al.,
2010). Examples of effective emotion regulation can be seen when an individual successfully reduces the intensity of their negative emotional experience through a process known as downregulation, or to increase the intensity of their positive emotional experience through a process known as upregulation (Gross,
2002,
2015).
Theoretical models conceptualise emotion regulation as a process that can be divided into a series of stages following exposure to an emotion-eliciting event (Bonanno & Burton,
2013; Gross,
2015; Sheppes et al.,
2015). First, the need to emotionally regulate is identified, then a specific emotion regulation strategy is selected, implemented and its success monitored (Sheppes,
2020). Critically, as will be expanded below, individuals differ in their tendency to select specific emotion regulation strategies and the effectiveness of regulatory implementation, which has been described as two complementary, but discrete stages of emotion regulation (Rammensee et al.,
2023). Given that adverse events are inherently emotional, an individual’s ability to effectively regulate their negative emotions during implementation may be a critical mechanism in supporting emotional well-being and enhanced emotional coping when exposed to stressful events (Kobylińska & Kusev,
2019). Conversely, the inability to effectively regulate emotions has been proposed to increase vulnerability to prolonged intense distress that can devolve into various psychopathologies (Aldao et al.,
2010; Nolen-Hoeksema et al.,
2008). A recent systematic review by Polizzi and Steven (2021) found substantial support across studies supporting a positive association between effective emotion regulation and emotional resilience. However, limitations relating to the use of self-report scales across studies for measuring emotional resilience and to infer effective emotion regulation were evident which warrant several considerations.
Firstly, whilst this review was comprehensive in examining articles defining emotional resilience across the different conceptualisations commonly used in the literature, majority of the studies included indexed emotional resilience using self-report questionnaires without measuring exposure to adversity, which as outlined above, may only provide evidence for operationalisations of this construct as a perceived trait. Secondly, most studies which directly assessed effective emotion regulation in this review also adopted this same approach (e.g., Banyard et al.,
2017; Lee et al.,
2019; Mestre et al.,
2017; Polizzi et al.,
2018; Poole et al.,
2017; Powers et al.,
2015; Vaughan et al.,
2019). Self-report scales to infer effective emotion regulation tend to collapse different aspects of emotion regulation, such as perceived difficulties to successfully upregulate positive and/or downregulate negative emotions (e.g., DERS; Gratz & Roemer,
2004) and the perceived frequency of using strategies deemed as adaptive or maladaptive (e.g., ERQ; Gross & John,
2003), into a single global measure. However, as the effectiveness of emotion regulation can vary depending on the strategy deployed and the nature of the emotion-eliciting event (Gross,
2015), a critical issue with this approach is that individuals retrospectively report their behaviour without taking into account the decision-making process involved in strategy selection and the specific emotion-eliciting events being referred to when answering these questions (Sheppes,
2020).
Indeed, self-report questionnaires to examine emotional experience retrospectively have been associated with a range of biases (Barrett,
1997; Levine & Safer,
2002). Behavioural tasks that involve exposing participants to the same emotion-eliciting event and examining the difference in emotional experience before and after deploying a regulatory strategy may provide a more accurate indicator of effective emotion regulation (Sheppes,
2020; Troy et al.,
2010). Despite this, studies adopting this approach to examine the relationship between effective emotion regulation and emotional resilience are lacking. The few studies that have examined effective emotion regulation using behavioural tasks have only examined its relationship with trait-based emotional resilience measures (e.g., Hildebrandt et al.,
2016; Tugade & Fredrickson,
2004). Thus, whilst the review found substantial support for the relationship between effective emotion regulation and trait-based emotional resilience, more rigorous behavioural testing examining the relationship between effective emotion regulation and across the distinct operationalisations of emotional resilience is needed.
Now, we will consider the role of different emotion regulation strategies in relation to its effectiveness, and how the tendency to choose certain strategies may differentially relate to emotional resilience. As adverse life events can occur from a position where individuals are unable to change or avoid the negative emotion-eliciting event (e.g., death of a family member), cognitive strategies such as reappraisal and distraction that involve a change in emotional response to the situation, rather than a change to the situation itself, may be particularly useful in the context of adversity exposure. Reappraisal involves engaging with negative emotion by reinterpreting the meaning of an emotion-eliciting event to be more neutral or positive, whilst distraction involves disengaging from negative emotion by producing neutral thoughts unrelated to the emotion-eliciting event (Sheppes et al.,
2011). However, as will be argued, these regulation strategies differ in their effectiveness for downregulation, which may influence how it is related to emotional resilience.
Historically, reappraisal has been considered the most effective emotion regulation strategy (Webb et al.,
2012). As reappraisal involves reinterpreting the meaning of a negative emotional-eliciting event, such active engagement alters its subsequent emotional impact, and facilitates processing, evaluating, and remembering emotional information, all of which are essential for long-term coping (Folkman et al.,
1986; Gross,
2002; Sheppes et al.,
2014a,
b). Empirical and meta-analytic evidence supports this, showing that reappraisal is associated with successful downregulation of negative emotions (Augustine & Hemenover,
2009; Wang et al.,
2021; Webb et al.,
2012), better mental health outcomes (Aldao et al.,
2010; Gross & John,
2003) and greater levels of trait-based emotional resilience (Mestre, et al.,
2017).
Additionally, the positive appraisal style theory of resilience (PASTOR; Kalisch et al.,
2015), identifies reappraisal as a key mechanism underpinning emotionally resilient outcomes, as the ability to properly reappraise aversive situations involving appropriate adjustments of the initial negative appraisal and/or the generation of complementary positive appraisals, attenuates ongoing stress responses. Research has shown that tendency to use reappraisal can buffer the negative effects of adversity exposure. For example, in a sample of young adults, self-reported habitual use of cognitive reappraisal was associated with lower post traumatic and internalising symptoms following exposure to intense media coverage of a local terror attack and problems transitioning into university, respectively (Jenness et al.,
2016; Zahniser & Conley,
2018). Together, these findings provide sound theoretical reasoning that greater reappraisal use is indeed associated with greater emotional resilience (Kalisch et al.,
2015).
Conversely, while distraction can be effective for the downregulation of negative emotions, there is evidence suggesting that repeated use of distraction diminishes its efficacy (Kross & Ayduk,
2008; Paul et al.,
2016; Thiruchselvam et al.,
2011). Specifically, as distraction involves replacing negative emotional content in working memory with neutral content retrieved from long-term memory, such high cognitive cost can impair emotional processing of the triggering event, and lead to poorer future recall of the event (Richards & Gross,
2006; Sheppes & Meiran,
2007). As distraction does not address how emotional experiences are dealt with in the future, a habitual tendency to use distraction may thus be less effective than reappraisal for downregulation and more detrimental for long-term coping. For example, one study found that compared to instructions to simply attend to aversive stimuli, using distraction resulted in a significant increase in self-reported unpleasantness when participants were re-exposed to the same adversity within a single experimental session (Paul et al.,
2016). Additionally, studies have demonstrated greater instructed and self-reported distraction use during stressful periods were significantly associated with a greater likelihood of developing depression in the future (Holahan et al.,
2005; Kross & Ayduk,
2008).
Thus, given the effectiveness of reappraisal across situations and its benefits for long-term coping, one possible hypothesis is the Reappraisal Dominance Hypothesis. This hypothesis proposes that a greater tendency to choose reappraisal, relative to distraction, contributes to greater emotional resilience as reappraisal use leads to more effective negative emotion downregulation than distraction. One prediction arising from this hypothesis is that in a cross-sectional design, there will be an association between tendency to choose reappraisal over distraction and emotional resilience, which would be in part accounted for by effective downregulation. Thus, the first aim of the present study is to test this prediction across the distinct operationalisations of emotional resilience.
However, it is also possible that the proposed relationship between reappraisal choice tendencies and emotional resilience is more complex. The cognitive model of psychological resilience proposed by Parsons et al. (
2016) posits that individuals showing emotionally resilient outcomes flexibly apply different cognitive processing strategies that are most conducive to current situational demands in achieving a desired goal. For instance, if applying a specific cognitive processing strategy in response to an adverse event does not promote the goal of effective coping with the elicited stress, these individuals will then adaptively change strategy to one that is more in line with achieving this goal. This perspective on the cognitive basis of emotional resilience is in line with more recent research conducted on emotion regulation flexibility, referred to as the ability to implement emotion regulation strategies that synchronize with contextual demands (Aldao et al.,
2015). Specifically, studies by Sheppes and colleagues (
2011, Sheppes et al.,
2014a,
b) examining emotion regulation choice in response to negative situations that varied in intensity demonstrated the
emotion regulation asymmetry phenomenon whereby individuals tended to choose reappraisal for low intensity negative situations and distraction for high intensity negative situations.
The emotion regulation asymmetry phenomenon has been consistently replicated in the literature (Shafir et al.,
2015,
2016; Van Bockstaele et al.,
2020) and its effectiveness demonstrated in studies whereby instructed distraction use, relative to instructed reappraisal use, resulted in more effective downregulation of negative emotions for high intensity stimuli and equally effective for low intensity stimuli (Shafir et al.,
2015; Sheppes et al.,
2014a,
b). Despite both strategies demonstrating equal levels of effectiveness in negative emotion downregulation for low intensity stimuli, choosing to deploy distraction relative to reappraisal in this context is suggested to be detrimental in promoting long-term mental health as it does not facilitate emotional challenges being dealt with in the future. So, choosing reappraisal for low intensity situations and distraction for high intensity situations, as is evident in the emotion regulation asymmetry phenomenon, may be the most effective pattern of emotion regulation strategy choice.
Based on this evidence, another possible hypothesis for the role of reappraisal choice tendencies underpinning emotional resilience is the Reappraisal Tendency Alignment Hypothesis. This hypothesis proposes that greater reappraisal tendency alignment (i.e., choosing reappraisal for low intensity and distraction for high intensity), hereon referred to as reappraisal tendency alignment, contributes to greater emotional resilience, as this pattern of emotion regulation choice leads to more effective negative emotion downregulation. One prediction arising from this hypothesis is that in a cross-sectional design, there will be an association between reappraisal tendency alignment and emotional resilience, which would be explained in part by effective downregulation. Thus, the second aim of the present study is to examine this prediction across the distinct operationalisations of emotional resilience.
It is currently unclear whether a greater tendency to choose reappraisal relative to distraction in general, underpins variation in emotional resilience as this would lead to more effective downregulation, or whether greater reappraisal tendency alignment, underpins variation in emotional resilience, as this pattern of reappraisal tendency choice leads to more effective downregulation. Much of the current research within the emotion regulation literature has focused primarily on the effects of self-reported habitual use of reappraisal or distraction on mental health outcomes (Aldao et al.,
2010; Holahan et al.,
2005; Kross & Ayduk,
2008), or on people’s tendency to choose one strategy over the other when exposed to varying emotional contexts (). However, despite suggestions made regarding the critical role of reappraisal as a protective factor against negative emotional outcomes under stressor exposure (Kalisch et al.,
2015; Riepenhausen et al.,
2022) and a growing consensus that flexible emotion regulation strategy choice is crucial in promoting adaptive coping following stressor exposure and better mental health outcomes (Aldao et al.,
2015; Bonanno & Burton,
2013; Kashdan & Rottenberg,
2010), the relationship of either possibility underpinning variation across the distinct operationalisations of emotion resilience remains untested.
The Current Study
In summary, the current study was designed to examine associations between reappraisal choice tendencies and individual differences in emotional resilience, to test the cross-sectional predictions generated by two key hypotheses. The Reappraisal Dominance Hypothesis proposes that a greater tendency to choose reappraisal relative to distraction, contributes to greater emotional resilience as reappraisal use leads to more effective downregulation than distraction. Second, the Reappraisal Tendency Alignment Hypothesis proposes greater tendency to choose reappraisal aligned to the emotion regulation asymmetry phenomenon contributes to greater emotional resilience, as this pattern of emotion regulation choice leads to more effective downregulation.
To examine these hypotheses, the current study design focuses on a sample of emerging adults attending university as this sample reflects a critical transitional stage of development. This stage includes many positive but also stressful challenges involved in establishing future trajectories in relation to educational, occupational, and social attainments uniquely central to this cohort (Arnett,
2003,
2007; Sandhu,
1994). Furthermore, as most mental health disorders emerge by emerging adulthood, this sample reflects a crucial time for effective interventions in preventing risks and promoting positive development (Arnett, et al., 2014; Catalano & Kellogg,
2020). To assess emotional resilience measured to reflect distinct operationalisations, indices of past adversity, current emotional difficulties and perceived trait resilience were obtained, followed by exposure to a standardised lab-based adverse event. This allowed for the derivation of three different indices of emotional resilience: a Depression Anxiety and Stress Scale (DASS) Residual Index reflecting outcome-based operationalisations consisting of less emotional difficulties than expected relative to past adversity experienced (Notebaert et al.,
2024), a Brief Resilience Scale (BRS) Index reflecting trait-based conceptualisations of perceived emotional resilience (Windle et al.,
2011), and a Lab Based Stressor Recovery Index reflecting a transient measure of emotional resilience (Bonanno & Diminich,
2013) (see Methods). Participants completed an Emotion Regulation Assessment Task in which they were exposed to stimuli of high and low intensity and chose either reappraisal or distraction to downregulate negative emotions elicited by these stimuli (Sheppes et al.,
2011). Participants also rated the intensity of their negative emotions across each trial, which rendered a measure of the effectiveness of their downregulation attempts.
The Reappraisal Dominance Hypothesis generated the following predictions. First, the tendency to choose reappraisal over distraction will be positively associated with emotional resilience. Secondly, downregulation effectiveness will partially account for the statistical relationship between the tendency to choose reappraisal over distraction and emotional resilience. Conversely, the Reappraisal Tendency Alignment Hypothesis generated the following predictions. First, the tendency to choose reappraisal aligned to the emotion regulation asymmetry phenomenon (i.e., reappraisal tendency alignment) will be positively associated with emotional resilience. Secondly, downregulation effectiveness will partially account for the statistical relationship between reappraisal tendency alignment and emotional resilience. To comprehensively examine each hypothesis, these predictions were tested on each measure of emotional resilience reflecting distinct operational definitions
1 entered as the dependent variable.