Psychosocial interventions designed for adolescents offer opportunities to promote their well-being (Franklin et al.,
2017), often doing so by focusing on developmental challenges (Yeager & Walton,
2011). The Identity Project is one such intervention, seeking to encourage adolescents to explore their ethnic-racial identities and to develop a sense of identity resolution (Umaña‐Taylor et al.,
2018). While the Identity Project and similar interventions have been linked to decreases in adolescents’ depressive symptoms, increases in academic engagement, and more, there is much that is still unknown about their effectiveness. Are these interventions particularly effective for some adolescents, while others benefit less? One way to understand differences in intervention effectiveness is by examining adolescents’ personality traits, which tend to shape how they engage with their environments (McAdams & Olson,
2010) and even respond to developmental experiences (Soto & Tackett,
2015). Given how interventions like the Identity Project encourage adolescents to engage with peers, reflect on their own journeys, share experiences, and perform homework tasks, it is plausible to also assume that different levels of personality traits could lead to different levels of engagement with aspects of the intervention, and therefore different outcomes. Such information regarding differential effectiveness is important to have when evaluating, adapting, or developing similar intervention programs. Accordingly, this study examines whether personality traits moderate the effectiveness of a school-based intervention program supporting adolescents’ ethnic-racial identity development, while also considering migration background and gender as additional moderators of change.
Intervening in Adolescent Life
Adolescence is often described as a period of intense development, characterized by physical, social, emotional, and cognitive change (Sawyer et al.,
2018). Given the rise of many important and impactful challenges during this developmental stage – such as identity formation, peer pressure, academic stress, and emotional regulation difficulties – interventions aimed at psychosocial processes have become a common, yet often imprecise, approach to supporting adolescents (Das et al.,
2016). These psychosocial interventions are often designed to address a wide range of issues, including mental health, behavioral problems, and social skills (Taylor et al.,
2017), while a few also more narrowly focus on topics such as identity development (Crocetti, Pagano et al.,
2024). Regardless of the area of focus, interventions come in many forms, including individual support interventions, guided peer work, group therapy, family-based interventions, school-based programs delivered by teachers, school-based programs delivered by researchers, and community initiatives (Ali et al.,
2015; Caprara et al.,
2014; Ruini et al.,
2009). While many areas of adolescents’ lives are important, such as the vast role that families play in their identity development, externally introduced interventions most commonly take the form of school-based programs. School-based programs – particularly those facilitated by teachers – are sometimes considered cost-effective due to their accessibility and ability to reach large groups of adolescents in structured environments (Weare & Nind,
2011). The primary aims of school-based intervention programs vary, but tend to focus on the promotion of positive psychosocial development, often achieved by providing adolescents with different sets of skills, such as self-reflection (Gutman & Schoon,
2015).
One of the major reasons why psychosocial interventions are so important during adolescence is that it is also a period when mental health issues tend to emerge (Collishaw et al.,
2004). Anxiety, depressive symptoms, and even behavioral disorders frequently manifest during adolescence, and early interventions are believed to be impactful in preventing these issues from becoming more severe over time (Kessler et al.,
2012). Thus, by intervening early it may be possible for some intervention programs to mitigate the long-term effects of mental health problems and possibly also impact participants’ overall life chances (Arango et al.,
2018). However, the implementation of psychosocial interventions is not without challenges. Interventions are more often than not resource-heavy: They require significant time, financial investment, and trained facilitators to be effective. The inherent complexity of adolescent development also means that any intervention must be carefully tailored (or “adapted”), to fit the needs of the target group they address as well as the context in which they are facilitated (Domenech Rodríguez et al.,
2011). Indeed, both contextual and individual factors are likely to influence how adolescents respond to interventions, as exemplified in a large, randomized control trial in which adolescents higher in environmental susceptibility also showed greater increases in psychological well-being and resilience following a school-based intervention (Mertens et al.,
2022).
Despite the challenges involved with tailoring interventions to fit the many rather than the few, the potential benefits of psychosocial interventions are not to be underestimated. Effective programs have been associated with improved mental health (Barry et al.,
2013), better academic performance (Keogh et al.,
2006), social-behavioral adjustment (Harrell et al.,
2009), and ethnic-racial identity exploration (Umaña‐Taylor et al.,
2018). Such results make them important tools that may even enable smoother transitions into adulthood. So, by addressing issues early on in life, psychosocial interventions can have both long-term promotive and preventive effects, possibly reducing the likelihood of adolescents developing more serious problems later in life.
Interventions Supporting Identity Development
During adolescence, a period marked by exploration and self-discovery, identity development becomes especially salient (Erikson,
1968). While the term
identity is complex and may represent different content for different individuals, identity can be understood as the subjective experience of “what makes you, you” (Galliher et al.,
2017). Interventions that support the process of identity formation are typically designed to help adolescents navigate their evolving sense of self, striving to promote healthy psychosocial development and lessen the negative mental health effects associated with, for example, identity distress (Samuolis et al.,
2015). Meta-analytic findings support the overall effectiveness of such psychosocial interventions. For instance, a recent meta-analysis demonstrated small to moderate effect sizes in enhancing adolescents’ personal and social identities, suggesting that these programs can play a meaningful role in identity development (Crocetti, Pagano et al.,
2024). Similarly, interventions aimed at educational and professional identity showed medium effect sizes, indicating effectiveness in helping adolescents align different parts of their future self with their current aspirations (Crocetti, De Lise et al.,
2024). Still, while identity development can be divided into distinguishable processes, identity exploration is an undertaking in which the timing and content of exploration can vary between individuals (Schwartz et al.,
2014). Such variability makes it especially relevant to understand how interventions focused on identity development may affect adolescents differently, and whether specific factors influence their effectiveness at the individual level.
While identity is a concept that contains many different aspects (Kroger et al.,
2010), one particularly relevant aspect within diverse and multicultural societies is
ethnic-racial identity. Ethnic-racial identity is a multidimensional construct that refers to the part of a person’s identity that encompasses their ethnic, racial, and cultural backgrounds (Phinney et al.,
1990), as well as the beliefs and attitudes associated with these aspects of the self (Umaña‐Taylor et al.,
2014). Ethnic-racial identity development is a lifelong process dependent on both introspective exploration and behavioral exploration, and becomes especially central during adolescence (McLean & Syed,
2015; Sokol,
2009). Of great importance is also how ethnic-racial identity development and ethnic-racial identity affect has been linked to positive psychosocial outcomes, such as reduced depressive symptoms and increased self-esteem (Rivas-Drake et al.,
2014). All adolescents have an ethnic-racial identity, but the development of these aspects of the self are considered particularly relevant for adolescents with minoritized or migration backgrounds, as they often engage in ethnic-racial identity exploration earlier than their non-migration-background peers (Phinney et al.,
1990). This variation in development is likely influenced by differences in cultural socialization (Williams et al.,
2020), experiences of discrimination (Yip,
2018) and the need to navigate multiple cultural contexts (Jugert & Titzmann,
2020). Given these differences, adolescents’ migration backgrounds and contexts likely also form how they respond to interventions designed to support ethnic-racial identity development; making them important considerations also when evaluating intervention effectiveness.
The Identity Project is a school-based intervention that seeks to tap into the positive links between identity development and psychosocial health, and consists of eight sessions centered on adolescent ethnic-racial identity exploration (Umaña-Taylor & Douglass,
2017). Adolescents in the intervention are encouraged to engage and learn about their peers, reflect on their own personal journeys, share experiences, and undertake homework tasks that aim to deepen their understanding of their ethnic-racial identities. Previous studies on the Identity Project have primarily examined change in ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution, as well as positive outcomes related to psychosocial health among the respective target groups (Juang et al.,
2023). In this case,
ethnic-racial identity exploration refers to the process of actively engaging with and reflecting on one’s ethnic-racial background, while
ethnic-racial identity resolution represents the extent to which individuals have achieved clarity and understanding about their ethnic-racial background and its role in their broader sense of self (Phinney et al.,
1990; Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2014).
Initial and subsequent implementations of the Identity Project in the U.S. have revealed promising effects on both ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution (Umaña‐Taylor et al.
2018; Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2024), and has since also seen implementations in Europe. When the Identity Project was implemented in Germany, participants in the intervention group cross-sectionally reported higher ethnic-racial identity exploration as well as improvements in critical consciousness and outgroup attitudes, but no significant effects were found for identity resolution (Juang et al.,
2020). In a second cohort, no differences in ethnic-racial identity exploration or resolution were found between intervention and control groups. In two other studies that featured the German context, teacher-student relationships as well as classroom cultural diversity climates were found to play important roles in moderating the main intervention effects (Hölscher et al.,
2024; Schachner et al.,
2024). Similar to Germany, in Italy, the intervention led to increases in ethnic-racial identity exploration but not resolution (Ceccon et al.,
2023). Further analysis showed that adolescents’ ethnic-racial identity resolution did not follow a single pattern of change but instead consisted of multiple change trajectories (Ceccon et al.,
2024). In Sweden, studies revealed initial and simultaneous effects of the intervention on ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution (Abdullahi et al.,
2024) but did not show any secondary positive effects on outgroup or diversity attitudes (Sandberg, Frisén et al.,
2024). While prior studies have examined how the Identity Project influences ethnic-racial identity exploration, they have primarily assessed exploration as a broad construct rather than distinguishing between introspective exploration (search) and behavioral exploration (participation) components (Syed et al.,
2013). Differentiating these processes is however important, as interventions like the Identity Project encourage both reflection (search) and social engagement (participation) to varying degrees (Abdullahi et al.,
2024). Taken together, previous studies on the Identity Project intervention have typically shown positive effects on ethnic-racial identity exploration, while findings on identity resolution and broader social outcomes have been more varied. Factors such as classroom climate and teacher-student relationships have been identified as influencing the intervention’s effectiveness, meaning that contextual factors likely also play a role in shaping these outcomes.
Building on these works, an important next step is to further examine how individual differences among adolescents may moderate the effectiveness of the Identity Project intervention in promoting ethnic-racial identity developments; both in the form of ethnic-racial identity exploration (search and participation), and in the form of ethnic-racial identity resolution. This is important not only because interventions like the Identity Project hold promising preventive value; they also offer a means to promote adolescents’ well-being through positive identity development. Still, and as mentioned, these interventions are complex and resource-demanding endeavors, requiring much consideration of their effectiveness and the factors that influence their success. It is therefore important to understand not only whether these interventions work, but also for whom they are most effective (Thomas & Rothman,
2013). Understanding such variations may help researchers adapt identity-based interventions, but also ensure that they benefit as many adolescents as possible. One way to go about this is by looking at adolescents’ personality traits (McCrae & Costa,
1987), and whether such traits moderate the effectiveness of interventions.
Personality Traits
Personality traits are patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that differ between individuals (McAdams & Olson,
2010). During adolescence, personality traits play an important role in shaping various aspects of life, including social relationships, academic performance, and overall emotional well-being (Soto & Tackett,
2015). Understanding how these traits influence intervention effectiveness, then, is also important for understanding how adolescents engage with developmental challenges, including those posed by interventions such as the Identity Project. While previous studies have examined the relationship between personality and identity development (Klimstra,
2012), it remains unclear how adolescents’ personality traits influence the outcomes of interventions designed to promote identity development. More specifically, there is limited understanding as to whether certain traits either enhance or hinder the effectiveness of these interventions. Conceptually, personality traits and identity both describe aspects of the self, but with different degrees of stability. Personality traits are considered relatively stable, enduring patterns of an individual and their behaviors, while identity is considered more of an ongoing and often shifting process of exploration and commitment, shaped by personal experiences, social interactions, cultural influences, and more.
Personality traits can be examined within a hierarchical model that varies in specificity (DeYoung,
2006), including levels such as the Big Five personality traits (McCrae & Costa,
1987), but also meta-traits (DeYoung,
2015). The Big Five organizes personality traits into five broad domains: openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism. This level of specificity represents a widely used structure of personality traits, with each domain encompassing specific facets or behaviors. The first trait, “openness”, reflects cognitive exploration and a drive for novelty, meaning that individuals high in openness tend to be curious and open-minded while those on the low end prioritize conventionality and familiarity. The second trait, “conscientiousness”, pertains to behavioral regulation in pursuit of goals; here, high levels indicate organization and self-discipline while low levels reflect spontaneity and flexibility. The third trait, “extraversion”, involves reward-seeking through social interaction, with high extraversion marked by sociability and enthusiasm while low extraversion indicates a preference for solitude or lower stimulation. The fourth trait, “agreeableness”, emphasizes cooperative and compassionate behavior; high levels reflect empathy and friendliness while low levels are linked to competitiveness and critical tendencies. Finally, the fifth trait, “neuroticism”, concerns sensitivity to threat and emotional regulation, with high neuroticism reflecting emotional reactivity and low neuroticism being associated with e.g. lower susceptibility to emotional distress. Personality traits can also be approached using a higher-order factor model in which traits are ordered into two, broader, meta-traits of “stability” and “plasticity”, which represent broad dispositional patterns in how individuals interact with the world (DeYoung,
2015). Stability reflects the capacity for self-regulation and maintaining order, encompassing the shared variance among low neuroticism, high agreeableness, and high conscientiousness. Plasticity reflects adaptability and exploration, encompassing the shared variance among high extraversion and high openness.
Personality traits and meta-traits are not only relatively stable individual differences, they also have well-documented gender variations (Feingold,
1994). Research has for example consistently found that girls tend to score higher on agreeableness and neuroticism compared to boys, while boys often exhibit higher assertiveness, a facet of extraversion (Costa et al.,
2001). Given these established differences, gender may actually influence how personality traits interact with intervention responsiveness as well. In fact, there is good reason to believe that Big Five traits and meta-traits would be associated with how adolescents respond to an intervention such as the Identity Project.
Personality Traits and Intervention
While there are both links and overlap between personality traits and identity, most prior research in this conjunction of research topics has focused on changing mean levels and rank-order relations for personality traits (Bleidorn et al.,
2021) rather than, on identity intervention susceptibility or the role that personality traits play in identity development. Previous research indicates that personality traits are most relevant for understanding identity, as individuals who are high in openness and conscientiousness often also report positive levels of identity exploration (Tesch & Cameron,
1987). This could be due to individuals high in such traits also tending to describe themselves as more open and thorough when exploring who they are (Hogan & Ones,
1997). In terms of conscientiousness, individuals high in this trait are also more likely to appear more resolute in their identity commitments, hinting at a possible link to factors such as identity resolution (Hirschi,
2012). Extraversion and agreeableness both have interactional qualities, and are likely associated with more socialized aspects of identity development (Han & Pistole,
2017). This is exemplified in another study in which those who were more extraverted than their peers were also more achieved in their identities, and those who were higher in agreeableness were less likely to experience a sense of identity diffusion or loss of direction regarding themselves (Clancy & Dollinger,
1993). Meanwhile, higher neuroticism could be negatively associated with deeper identity exploration, possibly because these individuals may find the process particularly taxing and thus refrain from any excessive exploration (Kawamoto,
2021). Still, and on the contrary, other studies have also found higher neuroticism to be related to the emergence of identity exploration over time (Hirschi,
2012), indicating that personality traits may have different impacts on different levels of identity processes. This relationship between personality traits and identity development could thus also be relevant when examining different types of identity processes; such as ethnic-racial exploration (search), ethnic-racial exploration (participation), and ethnic-racial resolution.
The two meta-traits, plasticity and stability, also have clear relevance for responsiveness to identity interventions. Plasticity involves engaging in exploration of oneself and the surrounding world, whereas stability can indicate a greater sense of rigidity of the self (DeYoung,
2015). As such, this higher-order organization of personality could prove useful when researchers examine ethnic-racial identity development. For instance, plasticity is a meta-trait that is closely aligned with exploration of both the self and the surrounding world, making it potentially influential in ethnic-racial identity exploration. Conversely, stability might reflect a more cautious or reserved approach to such exploration, which could affect the degree to which adolescents engage with identity-related material. Given the overlap (but distinct conceptualizations) between meta-traits and identity exploration, using this higher-order approach also offers a somewhat more parsimonious way to study the interaction between personality and identity development.
Previous studies from a wide array of research fields point toward personality traits also functioning as patterns of characteristics that make individuals more or less susceptible to interventions. Examples of this include how individuals high in agreeableness, conscientiousness, and extraversion seem to benefit more from executive function interventions (Cerino et al.,
2020), or how adolescents high in neuroticism and extraversion, and low in conscientiousness, openness, and agreeableness benefited the most from a school-based intervention program promoting positive psychosocial developments (Mertens et al.,
2022). In another intervention aimed at fostering self-efficacy, greater benefits were found for those who were high in neuroticism and lower in conscientiousness, agreeableness, and extraversion (Franks et al.,
2009). As such, the way in which personality traits moderate intervention effects may largely be a matter of “differential susceptibility”; that is, individual differences in reactivity concerning what is being facilitated through an intervention program. Only one study has so far examined any form of individual-level differential susceptibility related to the Identity Project intervention: one in which participants’ levels of environmental sensitivity were assessed (Ceccon et al.,
2023). In this case, environmental sensitivity was defined as an inherited trait that was responsible for individual differences in responses to stimuli (Pluess,
2015), and results suggest that the highly sensitive individuals who participated in the study also saw greater intervention effect in terms of higher levels of ethnic-racial identity exploration. As such, while there is little to no research on how personality traits impact the efficacy of interventions that promote identity development specifically, these previous examples point to the likelihood that intervention effectiveness is also related to personality traits in the field of ethnic-racial identity development. Learning more about the role of personality traits and their impact on the Identity Project intervention can therefore provide insights into why certain adolescents might benefit more also from identity-related interventions. Before turning to the specific aims and research questions, it is important to briefly note the setting in which the research takes place: the sociocultural context of Sweden.
The Swedish Sociocultural Context
Sweden, a population-wise small country in northern Europe, has undergone significant demographic shifts in recent decades, making it an increasingly ethnoracially diverse society. Today, approximately one in four individuals in Sweden has at least one parent born outside the country, a figure that rises to nearly 40% among adolescents (Statistics Sweden,
2023). While Sweden is often recognized for its tolerant multicultural policies and strong social welfare system, ethnic segregation has been increasing (Hedström,
2019), and attitudes toward immigration have fluctuated, with recent surveys indicating a rise in anti-immigrant sentiments (European Social Survey European Research Infrastructure,
2023). Many adolescents that reside in Sweden, particularly those with migration backgrounds, report experiences of discrimination and social exclusion (Barnombudsmannen,
2021); experiences known also to shape the ways in which identity exploration is understood and approached (Yip,
2018). These sociocultural experiences then create the environment in which ethnic-racial identity development occurs for many adolescents, but also the setting in which the current intervention study was facilitated. The Swedish context itself is thus important in the sense that it is likely to impact how adolescents within Sweden engage (or do not engage) with their ethnic-racial identities.
Another important aspect of the Swedish context to note is the terminology used to discuss matters such as ethnic-racial identity and group belonging. Like in many European countries, the concept of “race” is rarely used in public discourse or research due to its historical association with pseudo-scientific racial classifications (von Brömssen,
2021). Instead, adolescents often self-categorize through nationalities, or are categorized along a Swedish vs. immigrant divide (Svensson & Syed,
2019). At the same time, the word “ethnicity” in Sweden is often defined based on shared national or ethnic origins, skin color, or other distinguishing characteristics, therefore including aspects of social race into the term ethnicity (Diskrimineringsombudsmannen,
2024). This ambiguity of different ethnoracial concepts, combined with a social tendency toward colorblindness, could be one of the reasons why both adolescents and adults in the Swedish context sometimes find it difficult to approach these topics (Sandberg, Berne et al.,
2024). To summarize, adolescents in Sweden likely explore their ethnic-racial identities within a context where belonging and marginalization are both common experiences, something that will eventually shape their ethnic-racial identity journeys. These contextual factors provide an important backdrop for understanding how personality traits may influence the effectiveness of the Identity Project in promoting ethnic-racial identity development.