Ethnic-racial identity development is an important developmental task for adolescents in culturally diverse settings (Yip,
2018). It involves many different processes, including how individuals explore the meaning and relevance of their ethnic, racial, and cultural backgrounds (Williams et al.,
2020), as well as how they come to a sense of clarity or resolution about the roles these backgrounds play in their identity (Phinney et al.,
1990). Ethnic-racial identity development has been linked to beneficial indicators of health, such as lessened depressive symptoms, greater academic achievement, and higher self-esteem (Rivas-Drake et al.,
2014b), as well as positive attitudes about one’s own and other ethnic groups (Phinney,
2006). Given this evidence, interventions targeting adolescents’ ethnic-racial identity exploration has surfaced, such as the Identity Project, an eight-week school-based curriculum (Umaña-Taylor & Douglass,
2017). Research with the Identity Project has found evidence of its effects on ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution (Umana-Taylor et al.,
2018), and also positive relations with outgroup attitudes, or how individuals think about other people that they perceive to be part of different ethnic-racial groups (Juang et al.,
2020). This initial evidence is limited, however, as outgroup attitudes were only assessed as a distal, downstream correlate of ethnic-racial identity processes, and relied on a single measure of outgroup attitudes that did not include individuals’ views concerning various cultural backgrounds, traditions, values, and identities within a society or community. Accordingly, the purpose of the present study was to investigate whether targeting ethnic-racial identity exploration can result in positive outgroup and diversity attitudes for adolescents in Sweden; a culturally diverse setting where demographics have changed rapidly over the last two decades (Statistics Sweden,
2023a). Furthermore, the study examined the associations between ethnic-racial identity development and change in outgroup attitudes, and whether adolescents’ migration background or type of educational program moderate such associations.
Outgroup and Diversity Attitudes
The current study focuses on two aspects of attitudes: outgroup attitudes and diversity attitudes.
Outgroup attitudes refer to an individual’s evaluations, feelings, and level of engagement with individuals or groups they perceive as different or external to their own social, ethnic, racial, or cultural group (Phinney,
1992). These attitudes include stereotypes, prejudices, biases, and feelings of affinity or animosity in regard to members of other groups. Outgroup attitudes play a significant role in intergroup interaction and trust (Hewstone et al.,
2018), and can impact how individuals relate to those from different backgrounds or identities (Ülger et al.,
2018). Positive outgroup attitudes have been linked to a sense of intergroup belonging and support, and are typically described as something individuals, schools, and societies should aspire towards (European Council on Tolerance and Reconciliation,
2023). Fostering outgroup attitudes, sometimes also referred to as intergroup attitudes, has been associated with more positive school experiences for adolescents (Graham et al.,
2014), general well-being (Mendoza-Denton & Page-Gould,
2008), and intergroup contact (Rivas-Drake et al.,
2019). As such, outgroup attitudes are important for ensuring healthy and positive relations for adolescents in any increasingly diverse society, such as Sweden, due to the role of attitudes in counteracting prejudice and forming non-negative orientations toward others (Dunn et al.,
2009). The research field of outgroup attitudes and similar concepts is well-studied (Dovidio et al.,
2018), but has long struggled with conceptualization (Ferrar,
1976), primarily regarding the term
tolerance (i.e., tolerant attitudes toward others; Allport et al.,
1954). The term, although widely used, can be understood as someone putting up with something they dislike, and also indicates that before one can tolerate something one has to be prejudiced against it (Rapp & Freitag,
2015). As such, a more value- or attitude-oriented terminology could be beneficial going forward, with a focus on how one responds to the existence of cultural diversity itself (Hjerm et al.,
2020).
Diversity attitudes, the second central attitude concept in the current study, refer to an individual’s beliefs and inclinations concerning various cultural backgrounds, traditions, and identities within a society or community (UNESCO,
2005). These attitudes encompass how individuals perceive, appreciate, respect, accept, and engage with different cultures, and thus also their openness to engage with diversity (Pettigrew,
1998). Positive diversity attitudes play an important role in shaping intercultural interactions (Schachner et al.,
2021), and likely does so by promoting inclusivity and fostering positive relationships among individuals from various different cultural backgrounds (Thijs & Verkuyten,
2013).
Outgroup and diversity attitudes are important during adolescence as this is a period of identity formation (Kroger et al.,
2010), but also due to increased exploration and engagement with peers (Wölfer et al.,
2016). Cognitive and social skills that develop during the period, such as mentalization and perspective-taking, also enhance one’s understanding of commonalities and differences between groups, leading to a broader understanding of societies and the groups within (Turner & Tajfel,
2004). Additionally, high schools tend to be larger and more culturally diverse than middle schools, thus providing greater exposure to a wider variety of people from different backgrounds during adolescence (Swedish National Agency for Education,
2022). Indeed, better intercultural relations and more opportunities to learn about cultural diversity in school have been found to be possible pathways to positive diversity attitudes as well as school adjustment (Schachner et al.,
2016). In line with this, adolescents who perceive that their school provides opportunities to learn about topics such as ethnic and cultural heritage also report engaging in greater ethnic-racial identity exploration and commitment (Byrd & Legette,
2022). Furthermore, positive outgroup attitudes are instrumental in adolescents feeling included at school (Brown,
2019), but also require that schools establish prosocial and inclusive classroom norms that foster a favorable climate for all adolescents (Schwarzenthal et al.,
2018).
There are multiple interventions focused on promoting positive outgroup and diversity attitudes, most of them delivered through the school setting (e.g., Durlak et al.,
2011). A systematic review of 32 studies in which interventions were used to reduce prejudice and discrimination in children found a mixed picture: 40% of the interventions had positive effects on outgroup attitudes, 50% showed non-significant effects, and the last 10% showed adverse effects (Aboud et al.,
2012). Another meta-analysis, containing 81 research reports and a total of 122 structured intervention-control programs aimed at promoting positive outgroup attitudes in adolescents via reductions in prejudiced attitudes, found that mean effect sizes were typically small (
d = 0.30), indicating low to moderate intervention effects (Beelmann & Heinemann,
2014). A third meta-analytic review, with 50 studies, supported moderate intervention effects on outgroup attitudes through anti-bias programs in school, but found that these were most effective when delivered one-on-one and by researchers (Ülger et al.,
2018). A commonality among these studies is that intervention programs typically revealed stronger effects in outgroup attitude change for adolescents from ethnic majority groups, but also that outgroup attitudes likely improve more in schools with ethnically balanced populations (van Zalk and Kerr,
2014), indicating that such interventions may have worked differently for different groups. One of the criticisms of school-based intervention work targeting outgroup attitude change is that it tends to be overtly practical: psychological theories and findings are rarely incorporated, and the impact on outgroup relations or attitudes is rarely evaluated systematically (Cameron & Turner,
2010). Such interventions also rarely focus on adolescents’ self-exploration but instead target group dynamics (Beelmann & Heinemann,
2014). One intervention grounded in decades of identity development research is the Identity Project, which focuses on adolescents’ identity exploration rather than external attitude change (Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2018). Being given time and space to explore one’s ethnic-racial identity through interventions such as the Identity Project may, in fact, also be a pathway to positive outgroup and diversity attitudes (Juang et al.,
2020).
Ethnic-Racial Identity and Intervention
The Identity Project is a school-based intervention that originated in the US and consists of eight lesson plans targeting adolescent ethnic-racial identity exploration (Umaña-Taylor & Douglass,
2017). Throughout the sessions, adolescents explore their own ethnic and cultural backgrounds together with their classmates during regular school hours while simultaneously learning about topics such as social identity, between- and within-group differences, current and historical discrimination of minority groups, symbols, traditions, and more. The intervention focuses on active self-exploration and is highly inclusive, providing a way for students of all ethnic, racial, and cultural backgrounds to address and explore their ethnic-racial identity. In the original study conducted in the U.S., the Identity Project intervention stimulated increases in adolescents’ ethnic-racial identity exploration, measured at a 12-week post-test, which was linked to higher ethnic-racial identity resolution and better psychosocial adjustment at a 1-year post-intervention test, including positive changes in outgroup attitudes (Umaña-Taylor et al,
2018). Subsequently, the Identity Project has been implemented in several European school environments, where similar, but not identical, results on positive ethnic-racial identity development have been found in Italy (Ceccon et al.,
2023), Germany (Juang et al.,
2020), and Sweden (Abdullahi et al.,
2024). In the German evaluation, cross-sectional support for ethnic-racial identity exploration was found in one of their cohorts, but not for resolution, as well as increased scores in critical consciousness and outgroup attitudes for the intervention group (Juang et al.,
2020). In the Italian evaluation, positive longitudinal effects were found for ethnic-racial identity exploration processes, but not for resolution (Ceccon et al.,
2023). In the Swedish evaluation, taking part in the Identity Project intervention led to increases in both ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution, but not through the same stage-wise pattern as originally hypothesized (Abdullahi et al.,
2024). While all activities and lesson goals of the original intervention were retained when adapted to the Swedish context, changes to the intervention included both surface and deep structure adaptations, such as the terminology that was used, the addition of discussions surrounding the immigrant/Swedish dichotomy, and an increased focus on regional identities (see Juang et al.,
2023 for an extensive list of rationales and adaptations, and the OSF online material at
https://osf.io/tpuxe for the eight-week intervention curriculum).
Although it has been suggested that ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution have a cascading effect (the initiation of one leading to the initiation of the other) on outgroup attitudes (Umaña-Taylor & Douglass,
2017), little research has actually examined the question. One recent study examining the link between ethnic-racial identity and attitudes found that ethnic-racial identity resolution predicted self-esteem, which predicted outgroup attitudes (Wantchekon et al.,
2023), indicating possible complex underlying mechanisms. Testing the potential effects of ethnic-racial identity exploration and resolution on outgroup and diversity attitudes is especially relevant, as individuals with a strong sense of identity are more likely to develop prodiversity attitudes over time (Erentaitė et al.,
2019). This phenomenon may stem from how individuals who are more confident in their beliefs and values can explore their identity from a more secure position, allowing for more open-mindedness and acceptance of different perspectives (Phinney et al.,
2007), facilitating life in culturally diverse settings. Conversely, individuals struggling with their identity development may be more likely to exhibit negative attitudes toward others, possibly because they may feel threatened by beliefs and values that differ from their own, and may seek to assert their own identity by rejecting those who are different (Tajfel & Turner,
2004). Taken together, it is possible that interventions targeting ethnic-racial identity development, such as the Identity Project, also directly affect outgroup and diversity attitudes. As adolescents are also encouraged to work together in smaller groups during several of the eight Identity Project sessions, intergroup contact may also increase among them. Intergroup contact, in turn, has been shown to promote reduced prejudice (Pettigrew & Tropp,
2006), positive attitudes toward outgroups, and relations, and increased intergroup cooperation (Wright et al.,
2017).
When examining the possible relationships between an ethnic-racial identity intervention and attitudes, another important factor to consider is adolescents’ migration or non-migration backgrounds. Adolescents with a migration background are typically prompted to explore their ethnic-racial identity earlier in life (Syed & Azmitia,
2009), and do so at faster pace compared to adolescents from ethnic majorities (French et al.,
2006). Whether this difference in exploration also impacts attitude development is not known, as no studies have examined if there are different developmental trajectories for outgroup and diversity attitudes among adolescents from different migration backgrounds when promoted through ethnic-racial identity development. Additionally, adolescents’ type of education (i.e., their choice of academic path during high school) may also be associated with their response to the intervention. The difference between theoretical programs (programs aimed at further academic studies) and more practically oriented ones (programs focused on craft skills) are socio-educational groupings that may impact the development of attitudes, and studies from the Swedish context have in fact shown that adolescents who study in practical high school programs tend to report less positive attitudes than those enrolled in theory-based high school programs do (Lundberg & Abdelzadeh,
2017). Thus, similar to how ethnic-racial identity tends to develop earlier and at a quicker pace for adolescents who are in the minority in their context, it is possible that outgroup and diversity attitudes also develop differently depending on social grouping factors such as adolescents’ migration background or type of education. Before the hypotheses based on these prior findings are presented, it is important to further acknowledge the sociocultural setting of the current study.
The Swedish Sociocultural Context
Located in northern Europe and with a population of roughly 10 million, Sweden is an ethnoculturally diverse country with 26% of Swedes having at least one parent born outside Sweden (38% under 18 years; Statistics Sweden,
2023b). While changing demographics are the norm in most European countries due to forced displacements, globalization, and migration flows, Sweden has seen a rapid diversification of its society, with migration-based diversity two decades ago being approximately half of what it is today (Statistics Sweden,
2023a). The geographical locations from which people have immigrated have changed throughout history, and currently, the three most common countries of birth outside of Sweden are Syria, Iraq, and Finland. Sweden often scores very high on the Multicultural Policy Index (
2021), indicating general support for policies toward immigrant minorities, and is often recognized for its strong commitment to social welfare and equality (Berggren & Trägårdh,
2015). At the same time, research also shows that ethnic segregation is increasing in the country (Hedström,
2019), and similar to many European countries, anti-immigrant attitudes have been (Valdez,
2014), and again is on the rise (European Social Survey,
2023). Adolescents with migration backgrounds commonly describe that they experience discrimination and racism (City of Gothenburg,
2023), as well as feelings of not fitting into the dichotomous, narrow frame of being considered a “Swede” (Gyberg et al.,
2018). As such, adolescents in Sweden form a highly diverse group, yet many share the everyday experience of having a migration background and belonging to one or more minoritized ethnic groups. This shared experience among adolescents of being minoritized, or navigating multiple cultural backgrounds, has been associated with increased perceptions of discrimination and adverse health effects (Mock-Munõz de Luna et al.,
2019), such as lower levels of self-esteem and depressive symptoms (Bayram Özdemir et al.,
2021b).
Many adolescents in Sweden, both with and without migration backgrounds, are as such tasked with exploring their ethnic-racial identities in an ethnically diverse setting, prompting complex acculturation processes for many of them (the task of incorporating, or not incorporating one’s heritage backgrounds into a new community; Svensson & Syed,
2019). While prior research suggests that the development of positive outgroup attitudes differs among adolescents from migration and non-migration backgrounds (Lundberg & Abdelzadeh,
2017), the majority of adolescents in Sweden seemingly regard themselves as harboring positive interpersonal attitudes (Björklund & Dahlberg,
2017), and these attitudes tend to slowly increase throughout the span of adolescence. These sociocultural dynamics and the potential for preventive work make Sweden an important context to study in regard to both ethnic-racial identity development and the fostering of outgroup and diversity attitudes.