While autistic individuals
1 are known to experience challenges in terms of social functioning (e.g., social behavior, emotion recognition, social perspective taking; Hobson,
2013), less is known about the specific cognitive processes involved in achieving – or failing to achieve – positive social functioning. Specifically, to engage in a social behavior successfully (e.g., initiate an interaction), an individual must encode and interpret the current situation, decide how to proceed, and enact a behavioral response – in other words, they engage in social problem solving (SPS; D’zurilla et al.,
2004a; Lipton & Nowicki,
2009; McKown et al.,
2009). Autistic people have been shown to demonstrate difficulties with SPS broadly (Channon et al.,
2001; Goddard et al.,
2007; Hochhauser et al.,
2015). However, little is known about how the discrete components of SPS relate to social difficulties in autism, such as observed and task-measured social skills as well as autism spectrum disorder (ASD) symptomatology, in autistic children. Further, SPS components are intercorrelated; thus, efforts to examine their relationship to autism-related symptoms and social difficulties must prioritize disentangling their unique (i.e., each component) and common (i.e., general SPS ability) contribution to such relationships (McKown,
2019; McKown et al.,
2013; Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2021). An investigation that accounts for both unique and common factors in specifying the impact of SPS on autism-related symptoms and social difficulties is needed to better refine formulations and assessment of SPS in this population.
The Social-Emotional Learning Model and its SPS Components
There are several theoretical models of social perception and cognition that include SPS within their framework. A widely cited model of social cognition, the Social Information Processing Model (Crick & Dodge,
1994), outlines five steps children go through before making a behavioral response to a social situation: encoding, interpreting, establishing goals or desired outcome, constructing a response/solution, and making a response decision. Crucially, three of the social information processing steps – encoding (i.e., problem identification), establishing goals or desired outcome (i.e., goal preference), and constructing a response/solution (i.e., solution preference) map onto the construct of SPS used in this study. This model has been highly influential in shaping modern conceptions of social cognition and perception (e.g., Fite et al.,
2008; Kupersmidt et al.,
2011; Lemerise & Arsenio,
2000) but is limited by the complexity and challenges in simultaneous operationalization of each of the steps (Beauchamp & Anderson,
2010; Woods,
2010).
More recent models of social cognition have sought to offer a more streamlined and testable process (D’zurilla et al.,
2004b; Lipton & Nowicki,
2009; McKown et al.,
2009). Among the most influential contemporary empirical models is the Social-Emotional Learning Model (Lipton & Nowicki,
2009), which separates social-emotional learning into three domains: social awareness (the ability to identify and label emotions in others from nonverbal cues), social meaning (interpretation of the social problem), and social reasoning (the ability to judge the social situation and generate a behavioral response). This latter domain is also known as SPS but places it within a larger framework of social cognition.
Further, within this model, SPS comprises several discrete components: problem identification, goal selection, and solution selection. Though SPS components are often presented from problem identification to solution preference, the SPS process does not necessarily unfold in a fixed or linear sequence and often occurs out of conscious awareness (McKown et al.,
2009). While theoretical models support the breakdown of SPS in this manner and prior research has demonstrated good internal consistency for measures of these SPS components independently (e.g., Maydeu-Olivares & D’Zurilla,
1996; McKown,
2019; McKown et al.,
2013; McKown et al.,
2016; Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2021), there is scarce research examining each SPS component conjointly within the same subjects. Specifically, little is known about whether SPS components are wholly discrete, represent largely shared variance (i.e., a general SPS cognitive function), or overlapping yet non-redundant constructs with adequate divergent and predictive validity (Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2021). Thus, efforts to understand performance on SPS components in populations with difficulties in social functioning requires a procedure and analysis that measures SPS components discretely.
SPS in Autism
Research has shown autistic children demonstrate varying levels of difficulties with discrete SPS components, problem identification, interpretation, and solution preference and construction (e.g., Bottema-Beutel et al.,
2019; Mazza et al.,
2017). Many autistic children experience challenges with understanding social conflicts (Embregts & Van Nieuwenhuijzen,
2009; Mazza et al.,
2017; Ziv et al.,
2014), and these difficulties extend to interpreting social cues, such as the actions and words of others, and the intentions underlying social problems. Specifically, autistic children often attribute hostile intent to neutral, ambiguous, or unintentional social conflicts (Bottema-Beutel et al.,
2019; Mazza et al.,
2017; Ziv et al.,
2014) and some autistic children judge others’ actions in social transgressions, whether the actions were intentionally harmful or not, more harshly than non-autistic individuals do (Rogé & Mullet,
2011). Harsher responses to unpleasant social interactions may be related to interpretation of intent or the tendency of autistic children to focus on negative and emotional information during social interactions (Embregts & Van Nieuwenhuijzen,
2009).
In autistic children and adolescents, challenges related to generating and selecting socially effective responses and solutions to social problems have been replicated (e.g., Channon et al.,
2001; Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2018; Ziv et al.,
2014). When asked to produce social problem solutions, autistic children generate fewer novel solutions than do non-autistic peers (Bernard-Opitz et al.,
2001). Further, autistic children and adolescents have been shown to select more passive (Channon et al.,
2001), avoidant (Ziv et al.,
2014), and nonsocial solutions (Flood et al.,
2011). Importantly, the SPS difficulties in autism experienced in childhood have been shown to persist into adulthood (e.g., Buon et al.,
2013; Channon et al.,
2014; Goddard et al.,
2007), suggesting that better understanding and supporting SPS in autistic children may have implications across development. While autistic individuals demonstrate difficulties with various components of SPS, less work has measured multiple constructs of SPS within the same person (Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2018; Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2019).
Discussion
This study measured discrete SPS components and examined how the unique and conjoint variance of performance on SPS components relates to autism-related symptoms and social difficulties in autistic children. Socially normative performance on discrete SPS components was related to fewer parent-reported autism-related social difficulties.
Problem identification contributed most unique variance to parent-reported autism-related social difficulties, and shared variance across all SPS components accounted for the most common variance in both parent-reported autism-related social difficulties models, even after accounting for age and cognitive ability. Results suggest, while overlapping, SPS components can be seen as distinct, which is consistent with what is seen in non-autistic samples (e.g., Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2021) and supports their continued examination.
While performance on all SPS components correlated with each other, the strength of each relationships varied widely. The correlation coefficients of the problem identification–goal preference relationship and the problem identification–solution preference relationship were not significantly different from each other, while the relationship between
goal preference and
solution preference was significantly larger than the aforementioned relationships. Importantly, the association between
goal preference and
solution preference was the only large correlation, suggesting autistic children who select more socially normative goals for how they want a social problem to work out also select more socially normative solutions to social problems: an effective goal seems to beget an effective solution. Conversely, the smaller correlations were between
problem identification and
goal preference as well as
problem identification and
solution preference, suggesting that, in autistic children, being able to accurately identify the presence of a given social problem does not reliably relate to the selection of a socially normative goal or solution (Bauminger,
2002; Bottema-Beutel et al.,
2019). That being said, initial identification of a social problem (i.e.,
problem identification) appears to be highly valuable for autistic children in navigating SPS. While moderate in effect, accurate social
problem identification was significantly associated with socially normative
goal preference and
solution preference. Further, as shown via the commonality analysis findings, being able to identify neuro-normative
goal and
solution preferences does not necessarily relate as much to parent-reported social skills as
problem identification ability. In contrast to previous studies evaluating the discriminant validity of SPS components (D’Zurilla & Maydeu-Olivares,
1995; Maydeu-Olivares & D’Zurilla,
1996), this variation in association strength suggests that discrete SPS components are overlapping, but non-redundant, in their measurement. The findings also suggest such construct discrimination may uniquely present in autistic children, or that the SELweb SPS module may be particularly adept at establishing such differences. Further, the findings provide important guidance for which SPS aspects should be examined to best understand how autistic children engage in SPS. The relationships between SPS components further highlight that, while SPS may reflect a latent cognitive construct, observed differences in performance across components are measurable, such that their utility and nosology may be investigated in autistic children.
Contrary to our hypothesis, socially normative performance on SPS components was only related to parent-reported autism-related social difficulties, specifically fewer parent-reported autism-related social difficulties (SSIS/SRS). This suggests that behaviors of autistic children who engage in adaptive internal SPS – at any step – manifest in ways that appear functional and prosocial to their parents, and these relationships are consistent with prior literature examining SPS abilities and social functioning in autism (Jackson & Dritschel,
2016; Meyer et al.,
2006). Despite sparse research surrounding the relationship between SPS performance and autism-related symptoms and social difficulties, literature on interventions that address SPS skills reports autistic individuals can make notable gains in SPS abilities (e.g., Bauminger,
2002; Bernard-Opitz et al.,
2001; Boujarwah et al.,
2010; Pugliese & White,
2014). However, SPS gains do not reliably translate into observed behavior, suggesting an important gap remains between change in SPS and change in parent-observed behavior. Thus, the findings provide a promising groundwork for future research to evaluate the impact of SPS interventions on changes in autism-related symptoms and social difficulties as well as development of SPS skills in autistic children.
The hypothesis that shared variance between SPS components (i.e., a pseudo-latent SPS capacity) would predict the most variance in autism-related symptoms and social difficulties was partially supported, with several unexpected findings for discrete SPS components. The use of commonality analysis permitted a more nuanced examination of the contribution of the unique effects of each predictor as well as the shared effects (i.e., common variance) of each possible combination of predictors (Nimon et al.,
2008), which has been rarely used in the autism literature (Santore et al.,
2020).
Problem identification contributed the most unique variance for both parent-reported autism-related social difficulties measures – equal to and greater than the shared variance across SPS components in the SSIS and SRS-2 models, respectively. While
problem identification was the SPS component that contributed the most unique variance to parent-reported autism-related social difficulties, chronological age, when included as a covariate in the SSIS model, also accounted for nearly the same amount of unique variance as
problem identification. The SSIS is normed both by sex and age, which may explain this effect. Although, this effect of age is contradictory to Bailey and Im-Bolter (
2020)’s finding that
problem identification scores in a non-autistic population did not differ by age (7- and 8-year-olds vs. 11- and 12-year-olds), which suggests that a more in-depth evaluation of the relationship between age and
problem identification performance in autistic children, specifically, may be warranted. That being said, the present study’s findings still suggest
problem identification seems to be a uniquely important SPS component for autistic children in achieving positive social functioning – in other words, simply
identifying that a problem exists may be enough for many autistic children to achieve positive social functioning (e.g., McAfee,
2002). It may be that identifying the presence of a social problem allows for autistic children to begin the SPS navigation process, catalyzing use of additional social cognitive strategies to navigate subsequent SPS components, such as goal and solution preference. However, a failure to identify that a social problem is present may short-circuit the SPS navigation process (i.e., SPS goal and solution preferences may not feel applicable, necessary, or appropriate to the individual if a social problem does not exist), resulting in more social difficulties (e.g., the social problem appears to be ignored). In this way, these findings align with the social information processing speed model of social functioning in autism (Keifer et al.,
2020; Mendelson et al.,
2016), which suggests that how quickly an
initial social processing step is achieved (the proverbial “foot in the door”) is more important than the invocation of subsequent steps in yielding positive social outcomes for autistic children. Additionally, as discussed in Bailey and Im-Bolter (
2020), adults often assist children with interpersonal conflict intervention by asking about the nature of the conflict at hand (and instruct children to share or take turns - a common and widely applicable solution). Consequently, from a young age, a child’s attention in an SPS-based situation is frequently directed toward
problem identification, which is an SPS component considered highly ingrained and an easier aspect of the SPS process for non-autistic youth (Bailey & Im-Bolter,
2020). While social skill interventions for non-autistic youth may focus more on more difficult aspects of SPS, such as strategy and solution evaluation, a focus on
problem identification may be more applicable for autistic youth in this age range. Taken together, the findings suggest
problem identification may serve as a key focus for SPS and other social cognition-focused interventions.
Importantly, shared variance across all SPS components
did account for the most common variance in each model of autism-related symptoms and social difficulties, and a considerable portion of the total variance in each. These findings support Hypothesis 2, suggesting a “pseudo-latent” SPS capacity may exist, and undergird social cognitive processing. Future research should examine this possibility and the possibility that it may also reflect a more generalized neurocognitive processing capacity (Lerner et al.,
2015).
Clinical Implications
Findings from the present study have several clinical implications for the autism field. Numerous interventions for SPS skills in autism already break down SPS training into its discrete components (e.g., Bonete et al.,
2015; Cote et al.,
2014; Solomon et al.,
2004; Stichter et al.,
2010). With a better understanding of how performance on specific SPS components predict autism-related symptoms and social difficulties, interventions can be tailored to the specific needs of an autistic individual rather than - potentially unnecessarily - training all SPS components. The breakdown of SPS into discrete components also aligns with the Distillation and Matching Model framework of intervention (Chorpita et al.,
2005). This modular approach to SPS intervention provides individualized treatment planning and may be implemented as a low-intensity intervention (Libsack et al.,
2022), thus decreasing the time-intensive and financial burden of interventions on autistic people and their families.
The relationship between SPS abilities and autism-related symptoms and social difficulties may also have implications for how autistic children make and maintain friendships. Autistic children experience comparable levels of conflict with friends as non-autistic children (Mendelson et al.,
2016). Friendship conflicts are a normative process, and the conflict-resolution experience teaches children crucial skills regarding how to navigate and strengthen friendships. However, difficulties with SPS abilities, compounded with similar amount of friendship conflicts, could impact the learning experienced during friendship conflict-resolutions for autistic children. Correctly identifying the presence of a social problem was related to fewer autism-related symptoms and social difficulties; thus, targeting problem identification in social skill interventions may aid autistic children in the conflict-resolution experience.
Limitations & Future Directions
Several limitations exist with respect to the generalization of results of this study and are worth noting. First, the present study offered a moderate sample size. However, a larger sample size would allow for narrower confidence intervals and reduce sampling error. Second, there was limited variation in race, ethnicity, and sex. Specifically, the sample consisted of predominantly White, male children with cognitive abilities in the average to above average range. Future research should seek to replicate this work with a more diverse sample in race, ethnicity, and sex and also in autistic children with lower cognitive abilities. The results of the present study may differ as a result of more diverse samples at different ages (i.e., young children, adolescents), allowing for greater generalizability of findings. Further, future studies will need to consider the receptive language demands of the current study’s SPS task when investigating SPS in autistic children with lower cognitive abilities. Third, the SELweb SPS module had a fixed and finite number of items and scenarios to assess SPS; thus, while SELweb was normed on a large non-autistic population, the range of potential responses (and variance) among individuals was somewhat low. Such analyses and SPS component coding mechanisms should also be considered with other SPS measures designed to capture a broader range of scenarios and ages. Fourth, the current study did not include a comparison group. However, the module has been tested on a large group of children and SPS scores have been standardized (McKown et al.,
2016; Russo-Ponsaran et al.,
2019), which allowed for comparisons against this larger sample. Nonetheless, including a comparison group in future studies of this sort would provide insight into how performance on discrete SPS components relates to social competencies in non-autistic children and a more nuanced lens of potential SPS differences between non-autistic and autistic children.
Two of the measures used to evaluate autism-related symptoms and social difficulties in the sample were completed via parent-report, which has been shown to be associated with informant biases and common method variance concerns (Bank et al.,
1990; Valentiner & Mounts,
2017). While these confounds bear note, SELweb modules measure child performance; thus, if parents are systematically detecting an epiphenomenon of the construct of interest (i.e., autism-related symptoms and social difficulties), they appear to be doing so with sufficient consistency to detect effects, and it is valuable to capture these effects, even in the face of potential bias. Moreover, post-hoc analyses indicate that at least two plausible sources of potential bias, child age and IQ, do not substantially attenuate or explain the relation between SPS components and autism-related symptoms and social difficulties, further ameliorating this concern. However, future work should continue to identify other variables that may explain the large portions of residual variance in these outcomes. Further, the study did not include teacher-report of autism-related symptoms and social difficulties, which would have been valuable given that teachers observe much of a child’s social interactions throughout the day. Recent work has demonstrated great clinical utility in assessing functional impairment of autistic children through discrepancies between parent- and teacher-report of ASD symptom severity (Lerner et al.,
2017); thus, future replications of the present study should include reports from both informants, as well as other measures of social cognitive factors, to capture a more comprehensive perspective of autism-related symptoms and social difficulties.
Additionally, a burgeoning area of literature in the autism field has focused on compensation (e.g., Corbett et al.,
2021; Livingston et al.,
2019a,
b) and passing as non-autistic (i.e., Libsack et al.,
2021). One possibility is that some autistic children who better identify problems may also be better at masking, thus presenting with fewer parent-reported autism-related social difficulties. Future research should examine how masking and passing as non-autistic map onto SPS aspects in autistic children. Lastly, the social motivation hypothesis of autism suggests that, from an early age, autistic individuals attend less to social stimuli, such as faces and eye-contact, than non-autistic individuals because they find it less rewarding (Chevallier et al.,
2012), resulting in decreased opportunities to engage with and learn from social stimuli and subsequent difficulties in social skill development. Given prior literature on how autistic individuals process social and nonsocial rewards and the downstream effects such processing has on social skill development (Clements et al.,
2018), future studies should evaluate the role social motivation may play in how autistic children navigate SPS.
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