Background
Exposure to violence is one of the leading public health issues of our time, contributing to mortality, disability and poor mental health (Krug et al.,
2002). When occurring in childhood, violence exposure can potentially alter developmental trajectories. Understanding how violence can impact mental health during early development may guide strategies for prevention and relevant policies that have the potential for a lasting impact on individual and societal well-being (Irwin et al.,
2007). The World Health Organisation (WHO) describes two main categories of violence: (1) family and intimate partner violence (IPV) is mostly between members of the same household and intimate partners, and typically occurs in the home; (2) community violence involves unrelated individuals and generally occurs outside the home. These forms of violence can manifest as physical, sexual, or psychological abuse (Krug et al.,
2002).
Exposure to violence has been found to be associated with poor mental health among school-aged children, adolescents and adults living in high-income countries (HICs). A large body of research has linked domestic victimisation to both internalising (e.g., depression, anxiety) and externalising (e.g., aggressive behaviours) behaviour problems (Baldwin et al.,
2023; Carr et al.,
2020; Vibhakar et al.,
2019). Childhood exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV) has been linked to behavioural problems (see reviews: Fong et al.,
2019; Lourenco et al.,
2013) in children and adolescents. A meta-analysis investigating the relationship between community violence and mental health across individuals aged 3–25 years, found a stronger association between community violence and externalising behaviour problems than internalising behaviour problems (Fowler et al.,
2009).
Studies investigating the relationship between exposure to domestic victimisation, IPV or community violence and both internalising and externalising behaviours in children, have however neglected pre-schoolers, especially those living in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). For example, of the 114 studies reviewed by Fowler et al. (
2009), only six studies assessed mental health outcomes in pre-schoolers, and only one of these studies was conducted in a LMIC setting. This omission is important, as studies investigating time-dependent effects of violence exposure across the lifespan have highlighted the preschool years as a sensitive developmental period where domestic victimisation predicts later mental health problems (Dunn et al.,
2013; Kaplow & Widom,
2007; Manly et al.,
2001). Importantly, children in LMICs may experience a significantly higher burden of violence than those living in HICs (Mercy et al.,
2008,
2017).
Existing studies have demonstrated that polyvictimisation, i.e. exposure to multiple types of violence, further increases the risk for subsequent psychopathology (Haahr-Pedersen et al.,
2020). Furthermore, a dose-response relationship has been found between the number of forms of violent experiences (i.e., domestic victimisation, IPV, peer victimisation) and psychopathology indicators, including overall psychological distress, externalising, and internalising behaviour problems (Haahr-Pedersen et al.,
2020; Le et al.,
2018). However, again, the evidence mainly focuses on older children and adolescents from HICs. Out of the 22 studies reviewed by Haahr-Pedersen et al. (
2020) eight included pre-schoolers and only one was conducted in an LMIC. In a review of studies investigating polyvictimisation in children and adolescents in low- and lower-middle-income countries, only three studies were conducted with a preschool sample (Oh et al.,
2018).
In our study, we therefore examined the relationship between lifetime exposure to violence in early childhood (assessed at 4.5 years of age) and mental health at 5 years of age in participants of the Drakenstein Child Health Study (DCHS), a longitudinal birth cohort in the Western Cape Province of South Africa. South African children experience a high burden of violence, for example, child homicide rates are more than twice the global average (Mathews et al.,
2013).
First, we examined the relationship between lifetime general violence exposure and exposure to specific forms of violence assessed at 4.5 years of age with internalising and externalising behaviour problems at 5 years of age. Based on observations from older children and adolescents, we hypothesised that there would be an association between all forms of violence exposure by 4.5 years and both internalising and externalising behaviour problems at age 5. We also hypothesised that the relationship between exposure to witnessing community violence and mental health would be stronger for externalising than internalising behaviour problems based on previous literature. Second, we investigated whether there were linear dose-response relationships between polyvictimisation (i.e., the number of types of violence experienced) and internalising and externalising behaviour problems in the preschool sample.
Discussion
We examined the relationship between lifetime exposure to violence assessed at 4.5 years and mental health outcomes evaluated at 5 years in a sample of South African preschoolers and found that overall violence exposure as well as specific forms of violence namely, Witnessing Community Violence and Domestic Victimisation were associated with both internalising and externalising behaviour problems after adjusting for confounding variables. Further, we found an association of polyvictimisation with externalising behaviours, with weaker evidence for an association with internalising behaviour problems. The association between Witnessing Domestic Victimisation or Community Victimisation and mental health problems did not reach statistical significance in our sample at this age.
A majority (83%) of children in our sample had a lifetime history of exposure to violence at the age of 4.5, with
Witnessing Community Violence (74%) being the most prevalent form of exposure. Similarly, a previous study found that, witnessed traumatic events were one of the most common forms of trauma in a sample of South African adults (Atwoli et al.,
2013). Furthermore, there was evidence of polyvictimisation in this young sample, with 45% of the children being exposed to at least two subtypes of violence by 4.5 years. Overall, the high rates of violence exposure observed in this sample are similar to those reported in studies conducted in South Africa and other LMICs with older children (Hayati Rezvan et al.,
2021; Kaminer et al.,
2013a; Laurenzi et al.,
2020). Lower rates of
Community Victimisation here than in other studies in South Africa(Kaminer et al.,
2013b; Falconer et al.,
2020) are likely due to the young age of children in our sample – at an earlier age, children are less likely to be unaccompanied in the community and so may be more protected. These findings highlight the burden of violence among South African children from representative peri-urban communities.
Our finding of an association between
Witnessing Community Violence and both internalising and externalising behaviour problems is similar to the results reported in the meta-analysis by Fowler et al. (
2009). They documented associations between community violence and both internalising and externalising behaviour problems across individuals aged 3 to 25 years, largely from HICs and skewed towards older age groups compared to preschoolers. Whereas they found that the association of exposure to community violence with externalising behaviour problems was more robust than with internalising behaviour, we report a comparable association with both outcome groups.
Similar to our finding that
Domestic Victimisation was associated with mental health problems (both internalising and externalising behaviour problems), many studies have established childhood domestic victimisation as a risk factor for mental health problems in school-going children, adolescents and adults (Carr et al.,
2020; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor,
2016; Li et al.,
2016; Vibhakar et al.,
2019). However, these studies primarily included populations living in HICs. The widespread normalisation of corporal punishment as a form of discipline in the home in South Africa is therefore of concern (Mathews et al.,
2014).
Whilst evidence for the association between
Witnessing Domestic Violence exposure and externalising behaviour problems was less robust in this cohort, prior work has found more consistent evidence for this relationship (see review: Fong et al.,
2019). Given the established link between witnessing domestic violence and internalising symptoms(see review: Vu et al.,
2016), the failure of this association to reach statistical significance in our sample may reflect difficulties in recognizing or reporting such behaviours, or the emergence of such behaviours later in childhood.
The relationship between polyvictimisation and child behaviour problems at age 5 years, highlights the role that exposure to multiple types of violence plays in increasing the risk of psychopathology. These findings are suggestive of the added impact of an increased burden of violence on children’s mental health, similar to the findings of Haahr-Pedersen et al. (
2020). These authors described a strong association between polyvictimisation and various psychopathology indicators, including externalising and internalising behaviour problems in children aged 0–17 in their review, largely consisting of children from HIC settings. Furthermore, polyvictimisation emerged as a stronger risk factor for mental health problems than individual types of victimisation. Another review focusing on children and adolescents up to 19 years of age in LMICs, similarly found a link between polyvictimisation and an increased risk of mental health problems (Le et al.,
2018). Nevertheless, their sample largely consisted of children much older than those in our sample. Polyvictimisation likely increases allostatic load, such that the body experiences cumulative physiological damage in response to multiple stressors over time. This results in dysfunction of various regulatory systems including behavioural functioning (Danese & McEwen,
2012). Furthermore, a previous study conducted in the USA identified four pathways to polyvictimisation, including the presence of emotional problems in young children (< 9 years) and living in dangerous communities, high-adversity homes, and violent and conflict-ridden families in children 10–17 years old. Furthermore, polyvictimisation onset was associated with starting elementary and high school (Finkelhor et al.,
2009). These findings highlight the substantial burden of violence experienced by children in our sample in comparison, with polyvictimisation occurring by age 4.5 in the context of low socio-economic indicators and violent settings.
The rates of clinically significant psychopathology in our sample were lower than those found in a previous meta-analysis investigating the effects of family violence on children’s behaviour (Sternberg et al.,
2006). They found that 28 − 50% of the children aged 4–14 years fell within the clinical range of behaviour problems. There are several possible explanations of this inconsistency. It is plausible that the low rates of clinically significant psychopathology observed in the present study are a true finding, emphasizing that children exposed to traumas may be resilient (van Breda & Theron,
2018). Whilst, similar to the present study, Sternberg et al’s. (
2006) metanalysis used caregiver reports to assess children’s mental health problems, 31% of their reviewed studies used state records to assess children’s exposure to violence. This contrasts with the current study’s sole use of caregiver reports to assess children’s violence exposure. This variation in data sources potentially explains the different findings. It is also possible, however, that in our sample there are difficulties in recognizing or reporting such behavioural problems given the sample’s young age (Poulou,
2015), or that such behaviours emerge later in childhood (McCrory et al.,
2017). Indeed, Sternberg et al’s. (
2006) reviewed sample predominantly comprised of school-going children and adolescents.
This study has a number of strengths including the use of a prospective longitudinal birth cohort sample from South Africa, with high retention rates. This allowed us to contribute to the literature in LMICs where children experience high levels of violence but are understudied. Furthermore, our study examined the associations between violence exposure and mental health outcomes in early childhood, while the majority of the previous research focused on these associations later in life. This allowed us to identify the effects of exposure to violence in early childhood when it occurs. We also captured direct and indirect exposure to domestic and community violence, providing us with comprehensive findings. Investigating polyvictimisation allowed us to capture this prevalent phenomenon (Suliman et al.,
2009; Williams et al.,
2007). We also adjusted for several important potential confounding factors.
However, it is important to interpret the results of our study within the context of several limitations. Firstly, reports of children’s exposure to violence as well as their behaviour were given by the same caregiver, typically the mother. This may have led to shared rater bias, where obtaining information on exposure and outcomes from the same reporter may inflate the associations between the variables. Secondly, caregivers may have underreported children’s violence exposure and mental health problems due to social desirability bias (Lagattuta et al.,
2012). The use of caregivers as reporters is common in this age group given that young children may not be able to adequately describe their traumatic experiences nor have insight into their behaviours. However, the widespread normalisation of certain forms of violence in South Africa, such as the use harsh disciplinary practices (Mathews et al.,
2014), mean that social desirability bias may have impacted the reporting of some but not all types of violence measured. Thirdly, whilst there was relatively little attrition in the study overall, there was missing data on key variables at the time points studied. We addressed this through multiple imputations with an adequate number of datasets and capitalised on auxiliary variables available through the repeated measures design of the DCHS. Fourthly, although we adjusted for various potential confounders in our analyses, residual confounding cannot be excluded. Lastly, we note that given that our violence exposure subscales differ in the number of CECV items they comprise which limits their comparability to each other in their associations with mental health outcomes in terms of magnitude of effect size estimates.
Our findings emphasize the need for strategies that prioritise interventions aimed at both reducing the burden of violence on children living in these contexts as well as therapeutic interventions for those affected. This is especially important for younger children who have not yet entered school. Poor mental health may affect capacity to cope with academic demands at school (Romano et al.,
2015) which in turn has been linked to poor educational trajectories and is a long-term contributor to poverty (Fry et al.,
2018; Jaffee et al.,
2018; Tafere,
2017).
Exposure to violence in South African communities may be rooted in socioeconomic inequalities as well as a colonial past that fostered domestic and community violence (Bruce et al.,
2007; Mathews et al.,
2014; Ward et al.,
2013). Interventions targeted at the societal level are needed to tackle these systemic problems and stop the cycle of violence in these communities. Notably, the mothers of the children in this sample reported high rates of exposure to trauma in their own lives (Barnett et al.,
2018). Furthermore, associations between domestic victimisation and poor mental health outcomes in this young sample emphasize the need for parenting interventions to eradicate the use of harsh discipline. Future research needs to also investigate protective factors in children living in contexts such as the Drakenstein with the aim of understanding how to boost resilience.
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