Late childhood and early adolescence represent an important period for the development of leadership skills (Brummelman et al.,
2021). The experience of leadership during this period plays a significant role in preparing young individuals for future success (Tackett et al.,
2023). Research on leadership in adolescents has focused on formal settings such as classrooms and schools (French et al.,
2022). Leadership within informal peer groups, which serves as a microsystem of youth’s daily interactions (Chen,
2023), remains underexplored. The current study aims to fill this gap by examining the dynamics of leadership in peer groups and its relations with social, academic, and psychological attributes among early adolescents.
Peer Group Leadership
Peer groups serve as a primary setting for children and adolescents to learn social skills, gain support, and build their self-identity through activities guided by group norms (Kindermann & Gest,
2018). In these groups, leaders naturally emerge, tasked with organizing activities, promoting cooperation, navigating challenges, and resolving conflicts (French et al.,
2011). Leadership roles within the intimate circles of peer groups may differ from those in broader school or classroom context. For example, adolescents may hold a leadership position within their peer groups without being recognized as a leader or being seen as an effective leader at the class or school level by classmates (Gest et al.,
2011), particularly if the peer group has low status or low visibility in school. And, adolescents who are leaders or possess leadership skills in the classroom or school may not necessarily be affiliated with a peer group and be a leader in the group (Paluck & Shepherd,
2012).
Adolescent peer groups are typically formed based on common interests and experiences (Rubin et al.,
2015). Leadership within these groups, which refers to the capacity to influence and guide others and facilitate group efforts to accomplish shared goals (Tackett et al.,
2023), can be dynamic, allowing for the sharing or change of roles among members (Carson et al.,
2007). For example, group members may alternate leadership positions during different activities, leading to reciprocity in group leadership. Furthermore, social hierarchy within adolescent peer groups can be layered, with distinct status among members, ranging from central to peripheral positions (Zarbatany et al.,
2019). The hierarchy in leadership may appear cross groups. For example, a leader of a group is a member of another group that has a higher-order leader. Research on friendships has shown that adolescents have a tendency to form connections with the friends of their initial friends (Gremmen et al.,
2019). A similar tendency in the domain of peer group leadership may be observed in the pattern of transitivity because adolescents may be interested in interacting and establishing connection with their leader’s leader.
To date, only one study directly examined relations between peer group leadership and social-behavioral factors among adolescents in the United States (Lansford et al.,
2009). The results showed that peer group leaders were more likely to engage in problem behaviors than nonleader members (Lansford et al.,
2009). However, the cross-sectional design of this study precluded inference about the directions in the relations. Thus, further investigation is clearly needed on this issue.
Peer Group Leadership and its Associations with Social, School, and Psychological Characteristics: a Bi-Strategic Perspective
Leadership in peer groups emerges from a combination of various behaviors and characteristics that enable individuals to forge social alliances, orchestrate activities, provide instrumental and emotional support to others, resolve conflicts, and convey an image that commands visibility and respect (Tackett et al.,
2023). In certain situations, leadership may also necessitate exerting a degree of intimidation to consolidate authority (Hartl et al.,
2020). It has been argued that leadership approaches may be represented by two categories: (1) prestige, which refers to the demonstration of knowledge and skills to gain respect and admiration, and (2) dominance, which is characterized by enforcing control through force or intimidation to instill fear (Cheng et al.,
2013). Similarly, according to the Resource Control Theory (Hawley & Bower,
2018), obtaining and maintaining group leadership can be seen as an effort to control resources through gaining social dominance and power. Individuals may use prosocial-cooperative (e.g., helping, sharing) and coercive (e.g., aggression, threat, intimidation) strategies to acquire and control resources (Cillessen et al.,
2014). The bi-strategic view is consistent with the argument about the complex and ambivalent nature of leadership (Van Vugt et al.,
2008). Given their extensive peer interactions spanning social, academic, and psychological domains (Liu et al.,
2023), the two categories in the leadership framework may be reflected by the behaviors and attributes that are important for achieving the developmental tasks for school-age adolescents (e.g., Masten et al.,
2005). Based on the literature (e.g., Ladd et al.,
2000), the present study examined social competence, aggression, shyness, academic performance, and loneliness and their associations with peer group leadership in this study. These aspects are likely to be relevant to the dynamics of peer group leadership from the broad bi-strategic perspective.
As the ability to successfully navigate social situations to achieve personal or group goals, social competence is manifested in problem-solving, conflict management, organizing cooperative activities, and protecting others from negative treatment of others (Gresham,
2016). Research has revealed that children and adolescents expect leaders to contribute to the group goal and to be different from peers who pursue their goals at the expense of others (Margoni et al.,
2018). It has been argued that people tend to favor leaders who are prosocial and responsible because they are likely to provide group benefits and distribute resources equitably (Price & Van Vugt,
2014). Group leaders are expected to actively interact with others and take on responsibilities in group activities (Van Vugt et al.,
2008). They are also expected to be able and willing to share, assist others in need, and provide comfort to others in difficult situations (Van Vugt et al.,
2008). Thus, attributes such as caring for others, effective communication and problem-solving skills, and the ability to help group function fit with leadership expectations (e.g., Stavans & Diesendruck,
2021). The expectations about leadership appear similar in peer groups in childhood and adolescence (French et al.,
2022). Thus, adolescents with these attributes are likely to obtain recognition and approval for leadership in the group. In addition to prosocial-cooperative behavior, individuals may use aggression and other coercive behaviors to acquire power and status (Hawley & Bower,
2018). Research on aggression and peer group leadership in the class or school context has provided mixed results; whereas some studies indicated that aggressive tendencies were associated with a decrease in leadership status (Yang et al.,
2015), others showed that leaders exhibited aggressive behavior or a combined prosocial and aggressive characteristic (French et al.,
2022). Unlike formal settings such as the school or classroom, where leaders are often chosen based on collective evaluations of peers and teachers according to school standards, adolescents’ informal peer groups are typically formed spontaneously out of common interests, attitudes, and desires of group members. In this context, group members may view aggressive adolescents as capable of helping them pursue group goals and protect group interests, especially when interacting with “outsiders.” As such, aggressive adolescents may receive support from members to take on the leadership role in the group.
Researchers who study children’s and adolescents’ social functioning are interested in shyness—a characteristic representing individual tendency to “move away” (as opposed to “move along” and “move against”) from the world. Shyness refers to anxious reactivity to challenging social situations (Coplan et al.,
2004), derived from conflictual approach and avoidance motivations (Asendorpf,
1991). Shy individuals are interested in social interaction, but their tendency to interact with others is impeded by their internal feelings of fear, anxiety, and lack of self-confidence, which results in the display of vigilant and reticent behaviors in social situations (Coplan et al.,
2004). Although shy adolescents are often affiliated with peer groups (Zhao et al.,
2016), research has shown that shyness is either non-significantly (Liu et al.,
2017) or negatively associated with school leadership (Yang et al.,
2015). This aligns with the bi-strategic leadership theory that views social assertiveness as a crucial leadership quality (Hartl et al.,
2020). The negative association between shyness and leadership may be particularly evident in informal peer groups, as they are typically hierarchical in nature and group leaders need to engage in frequent interactions with others and are involved in group organization, such as coordinating activities. As social assertiveness may be needed to effectively carry out leadership responsibilities (Anderson & Kilduff,
2009), shy children, who tend to be non-assertive (Rubin et al.,
2009), are less likely than others to acquire leadership roles.
Research has shown that academic achievement is an important factor in adolescents’ peer group interactions in school (Rambaran et al.,
2017). The value of instrumental assistance with learning and schoolwork is well recognized for strengthening peer relationships and enhancing group cohesion (Wentzel et al.,
2018). High-achieving adolescents are often liked within their peer groups, due to their ability to help others with academic tasks. Superior academic performance and provision of support for others on learning are likely to be conducive to the attainment of social status, influence, and leadership. The role of academic achievement in adolescents’ peer group leadership in school settings fits with the prestige approach in the leadership framework, which emphasizes competence and the acquisition of admiration (Cheng et al.,
2013).
Displaying effective leadership behaviors, such as active participation in social interactions with peers in and outside of the group and taking initiative in activities, may be affected by individual psychological functioning. As a major indicator of psychological wellbeing, loneliness represents a negative experience about one’s social-relational life or unfulfilled needs for social belonging (e.g., Asher & Paquette,
2003). Individuals who report high loneliness tend to be self-oriented, passive or hesitant in social settings, and unwilling or unable to provide emotional support to others and promote positive emotional communication in the group (Schwartz-Mette et al.,
2020), which is likely to undermine the acquisition of prestige and dominance for leadership (Cheng et al.,
2013). Research has shown that loneliness in adolescents is negatively associated with prosocial behavior and social impact (Chen et al.,
2004). Thus, it seems reasonable to argue that loneliness may harm adolescents’ ability to obtain endorsement for leadership in peer groups.
Finally, according to the homophily theory (Rubin et al.,
2015), peer groups often comprise members with similar traits, such as misconduct (Ellis et al.,
2012), shyness (Zhao et al.,
2016), academic performance, social competence (Liu et al.,
2023), and psychological problems (Conway et al.,
2011). Group functioning including activities is also largely based on similar interests and behavioral styles (Laursen,
2017). It is plausible that adolescents who exhibit social, school, and psychological characteristics that are similar to those of others in the group are likely to receive support for leadership.
Peer Group Leadership and Social, School, and Psychological Characteristics in Chinese Early Adolescents
Cultural context may influence peer group leadership dynamics, with certain traits being more or less pronounced in a specific society (French et al.,
2022). For example, in Chinese society where collectivism and group cohesion are highly valued (Chen & French,
2008), group success may be more emphasized than individual benefits in the dynamics of peer group leadership (Carson et al.,
2007). Confucian principles, which endorse social hierarchies, may affect Chinese adolescents’ leadership perceptions, fostering a respectful adherence to the established structures (French et al.,
2022). In this context, hierarchy in group leadership may be emphasized and disruption of the established order may be highly discouraged.
In Chinese society, leaders are expected to possess virtuous and compassionate qualities and be capable and motivated to protect and care for group members, as leaders have the obligation to serve others (Ma & Tsui,
2015). Thus, like their Western counterparts, Chinese adolescents are inclined to select leaders who display high social competence to help organize cooperative activities and maintain harmony and cohesion in the group. Aggression is generally discouraged in Chinese society due to its potential threat to group harmony (Chen & French,
2008). However, research results indicated that aggression was positively associated with leadership in the class and the school among Chinese adolescents (e.g., French et al.,
2022). It is possible that aggression is viewed as an indication of social assertiveness, which is a major attribute of leadership, and that peers tend to select assertive members for the leadership role. In addition, academic achievement has been highly valued as one of the most important tasks for school-age children and adolescents in China (Fu et al.,
2020). This context may make the role of academic achievement salient in shaping peer group leadership. High academic achievement is not only an indication of individual success but also a valuable resource for the group (Liu et al.,
2023). Group leaders who are academically competent can assist others in the group with academic work and help enhance the reputation and visibility of the group in school, creating a favorable environment for group activities. Thus, it is perceivable that students who perform well academically are likely to be selected as leaders of peer groups.
Over the past several decades, China has changed toward a competitive market-oriented society in which social assertiveness and self-expression are required for success and thus increasingly appreciated (Cai et al.,
2020). The social change may have particularly evident implications for social attitudes toward shyness and psychological or emotional wellbeing (Chen,
2019). Specifically, wary, vigilant, and restrained behaviors that shy children and adolescents display in social situations have traditionally been viewed as indications of social maturity and accomplishment in Chinese society, helping shy children obtain social approval and support (Liu et al.,
2017). However, due to its impediment to initiative-taking and exploration, shyness in adolescents has become maladaptive and associated with difficulties in peer relationships and adjustment in recent years, which is similar to what has been found in the West (Chen,
2019). At the same time, adolescents are encouraged to develop self-confidence and engage in active social interaction in the new environment (Chen,
2023). Displaying internalizing symptoms including loneliness is regarded as socially incompetent (Liu et al.,
2023). Given this background, it seems reasonable to expect that adolescents with high levels of shyness and loneliness are less likely than others to be peer group leaders in today’s China.